Such is, as simply as I can phrase it, the materialistic interpretation
of history. Put into its dress of scientific language it reads: the
dominant method of production and exchange in any society determines the
institutions and forms of that society. I do not think I exaggerate in
saying that this formula, applied with judgment and discrimination, is a
key to the understanding of human societies.
Wherever man has moved into the stage of slavery and private property
there has been some group which has held power and sought to maintain
and increase it. This group has set the standards of behavior and belief
for the community, and if you wish to understand the government and
religion, the manners and morals, the philosophy and literature and art
of that community, the first thing you have to do is to understand the
dominant group and its methods of keeping itself on top. This statement
applies, not merely to those cultural forms which are established and
ordained by the ruling class; it applies equally well to the
revolutionary forms, the behavior and beliefs of those who oppose the
ruling class. For men do not revolt in a vacuum, they revolt against
certain conditions, and the form of their revolt is determined by the
conditions. Take, for example, primitive Christianity, which was
certainly an effort to be unworldly, if ever such an effort was made by
man. But you cannot understand anything about primitive Christianity
unless you see it as a new form of slave revolt against Roman
imperialism and capitalism.
The theory of the class struggle is the master key to the bewilderments
and confusions of history. Always there is a dominant class, holding
the power of the state, and always there are subject classes; and sooner
or later the subject classes begin protesting and struggling for wider
rights. When they think they are strong enough, they attempt a revolt,
and sometimes they succeed. If they do, they write the histories of the
revolt, and their leaders become heroes and statesmen. If they fail, the
histories are written by their oppressors, and the rebels are portrayed
as criminals.
One of the commonest of popular assumptions is that if the rebels have
justice on their side, they are bound to succeed in the long run; but
this is merely the sentimental nonsense that is made out of history. It
is perfectly possible for a just revolt to be crushed, and to be crushed
again and again; just as it is possible for a child which is ready to be
born to fail to be born, and to perish miserably. The fact that the
Huguenots had most of the virtue and industry and intelligence of France
did not keep them from being slaughtered by Catholic bigots, and
reaction riveted upon the French people for a couple of hundred years.
The fact that the Moors had most of the industry of Spain did not keep
them from being driven into exile by the Inquisition, and the
intellectual life of the Spanish people strangled for three hundred or
four hundred years.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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