Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
"It is only occasionally that I go to the committee meetings to make a
quorum to act on important business. I do not attend them one day more
than I am obliged to, for I am quite sure it is not my duty unless
charged with a certain subject. This whole machinery is a means of
transferring the legislation of the country from those to whose hands
the constitution commits it to irresponsible juntas.... I say general
standing committees, without any exception, are great nuisances, and
they ought to be abolished.... They are not proper bodies to exercise
legislative powers. They are not known in the country from which we
derive our institutions. The English have no standing committees. They
raise special committees on special objects."[100] February 18, 1859.
"The general business of the country," as he expressed it, January 10,
1859, that was his concern. Each subject requiring the action of the
senate, whether important or trivial, received his industrious attention,
as his course and language on the floor always show; and he evidently
feels it his duty to furnish the body on all questions the utmost
instruction and aid that he can possibly give. He had no ambition to be
the author of novel measures--he was strenuous only to bestow upon every
subject of current legislation the proper consideration. His premeditated
efforts are but few. He never shows any distrust of his offhand faculty.
He takes part in nearly all the discussions, often being up several times
the same day on the same subject. He is seldom lengthy, hardly ever away
from the point needing explanation, and never, never dull. Generally he
comes with correcting fact or enlightening principle, and it is seldom
that his matter and words are not both impressive. I found it well in
writing the Life mentioned above to present the most of his senatorial
course by assorting his utterances under their proper heads, with the
briefest possible comment, rather than to narrate chronologically in the
common way of biographers. In his speeches it is only now and then that he
is steadily progressive as he was in the Iowa contested election case. His
advocacy or opposition is generally founded upon a principle, and from
this principle--usually central and self-evident--the different passages
radiate in aphorisms, self-supporting paragraphs, and detached
arguments,--this common radiation being their only connection. Accordingly
if you know what is the particular subject that is under discussion, a
part taken at random anywhere from any of his extempore speeches is nearly
always complete in itself and fully intelligible. Therefore we can have
him to give in his own words, in a comparatively small space, an
approximately full collection of the rich and varied teachings of his
senatorial career, although our chrestomathy would appear to one putting
it beside the unmutilated report of the _Globe_ as a beggarly and jejune
abstract.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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