Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
from the middle class. It was the workers who excited and kept at its
height the righteous indignation of the country that shamed the coal-trust
into decency. It is the workers who are the most influential of all that
strive to arm us with those plutocracy-destroying weapons, direct
nomination and direct legislation; and of all who demand that the
railroads pay just taxes; of all who would lay the axe at the root of
public corruption by having government resume its powers and do every one
of its duties without favor or prejudice to a single human being. It is
clear that the laborers are gathering all the anti-monopoly interests and
classes of society to their banner, and that from the steady and
increasing impulsion of these laborers, in unions and political campaigns,
industrial democracy will at last come in, to open the millennium by
keeping every man, woman, and child, except the wilfully idle and
criminal, permanently supplied with necessaries and comforts.
Who are the laborers that are both to spur and lead us forward in this
great course? Why, the white laborers, whose interests and whose
qualifications to share in governments are the same as those of the rest
of us; who are really part and parcel of the body politic and whose sons
and daughters can be married by our sons and daughters without social
degradation to themselves or degeneration of the proud Caucasian stock in
their children. The negroes cannot do the great work we are contemplating.
They are strangers in blood. They are as yet far too low in development.
It is idle to think of making these aliens, whose highest interests are
irreconcilably antagonistic to ours and our children's, allies of the
white laborers--a point which will be treated at large in later chapters.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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