Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
generation discerns the growing incompatibility of their stay in the
section with its true welfare, unfriendliness comes and grows. Listless,
lethargic, careless, without initiative, without opportunity and coercion
to make use of it, these multitudes of inveterate have-nothings are in a
bottomless gulf of want, immorality, crime, and disease. A true
philanthropist has familiarized the world with the "submerged tenth." Mr.
Ernest Hamlin Abbott, Mr. Murphy, Mr. Joel Chandler Harris, Dr. Abbott,
Mr. Post, stand beside me on the strand, and fix your eyes, minds, and
hearts upon the slowly drowning ninety-five per cent of the southern
negroes. Lay aside the excess of your devotion to the upper class. It does
not need it. The Chicago dentist, as the _Public_ itself reports, was
really more than indemnified for the insult given him because of his color
by the sympathetic resentment of white members of his profession. Why will
you keep agitating the nation in behalf of a few thousands, who are well
able to maintain themselves, and neglect millions who require, as Mr.
Tillinghast says, some heroic remedy for their salvation?
I shall now tell you the utter inadequacy of Hampton, Tuskegee, and the
like, after which I shall consider what, in my judgment, is the only
remedy.
The annual output, as we may call it, of all the negro educational
institutions in the south is a mere drop in the bucket when compared with
the enormous need. The latest reliable figures accessible to me are those
of Booker Washington for 1897. They are as follows: 13,581 receiving
industrial training, 2,108 collegiate education, 2,410 classical
instruction, and 1,311 "taking the professional course,"[193]--the last
three aggregating 5,829. Suppose the entire 17,999 were following
industrial courses, and that every one graduated with credit; and suppose
there be added the work of the land companies providing homes and every
other enterprise helping the negro in any way--suppose this output to be
trebled annually from this time on (which is far above possibility for
many years yet, to say nothing of probability), what would be its
accomplishment? Why, no more than a slight shower in a few townships
during the drought a few years ago would have done in preventing injury to
the Kansas corn crop. When you attend, you understand that the great
advantages of these excellent institutions are only for a few lucky
negroes,--picked ones of the upper class,--and not for the millions whose
crying need is for opportunity to earn honest daily bread and a really
benevolent coercion to use the opportunity. The problem, what to do for
this mass, cannot be solved by philippics against such things as _de
facto_ or constitutional disfranchisement of the blacks, lynching them,
showing them disrespect in military parades, giving them Jim Crow cars,
and not dividing the educational fund more liberally with them; nor would
it contribute one jot or tittle towards its solution if every lady in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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