Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
We see a like difference between the two in congress. Webster shirks the
routine duties of his place to gain opportunity for practice in the United
States supreme court. Toombs stays away from all courts during the
session, and gives every measure before the body to which he belongs its
proper attention, study, and labor. But the performance by him of all the
many duties of representative or senator, whether little or great, with
unparalleled diligence, ability, and splendor, has been so completely
obscured by the few of Webster's great congressional exploits, that it is
not now cared for by anybody.
The greater lawyer and the greater congressman has been accorded the
lesser renown. This is because of the relation which each one bore to the
two publics which I have tried to make you understand,--the southern
public and the northern public. Toombs's legal career was mainly in the
courts of his own State. It was not much heard of outside, in even the
southern public, until his extraordinarily meritorious discharge of
congressional duties involving a mastery of law was observed. Although
some of Webster's cases in State courts were celebrated, his greatest
ones, to be considered in a moment, were won in the United States supreme
court, in the eyes of both publics watching intently. The highest
accomplishments of Toombs in the non-sectional parts of his congressional
career were almost matters of indifference at the time to both publics,
becoming steadily more absorbed in pro- and anti-slavery politics; and
what he did in the other part of it excited the hostility of the northern
public, and brought him obloquy instead of good name. The few memorable
deeds of Webster in congress were victorious vindications of the cause
clearest of all to the northern, that is, the free-labor, public. That
public has at last not only conquered, but it has annexed the other as a
part of itself. And so Toombs's fame as a lawyer and statesman has been
left so far behind that it can hardly hope ever to have impartial and fair
comparison with that of Webster.
Just one more parallel, and I shall proceed with my sketch. Each one of
the two, in order to accept his mission of leadership, was plainly made by
his destiny to abandon a previously cherished doctrine for a new and
contrary one. Toombs was once an ardent union man, Webster was once almost
a secessionist. In his Taylor speech, made in the United States house of
representatives July 1, 1848, speaking of the then expected acquisition of
territory, Toombs said:
"All the rest of this continent is not worth our glorious union, much
less these contemptible provinces which now threaten us with such
evils. It were better that we should throw back the worthless boon,
and let the inhabitants work out their own destiny, than that we
should endanger our peace, our safety, and our nationality by their
incorporation in our union."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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