John Paleologus was his humble vassal and slave. After a vain attempt to
get help from the Pope, this emperor without an empire resolved to make
what terms he could, and rejoiced when he found that Murad was prepared to
grant him peace. The Turk was a hard master, and rejoiced in giving his
vassal unpalatable tasks. Best remembered among the tribulations of John
is the siege of Philadelphia. That place had preserved a precarious
independence after all the other cities of Byzantine Asia fell into the
hands of the Turkish Emirs. Being far away in the Lydian hills, it lost
touch with Constantinople, and had become a free town. Murad, wishing to
subdue it, compelled John V. and his son Manuel to march in person against
the last Christian stronghold in Asia. The Emperor submitted to the
degradation, and Philadelphia surrendered when it saw the imperial banner
hoisted among the horse-tails of the Turkish pashas above the camp of the
besiegers. The humiliation of the empire could go no further than when the
heir of Justinian and Basil Bulgaroktonos took the field at the behest of
an upstart Turkish Emir, in order to extinguish the last relics of freedom
among his own compatriots.
XXVI. THE END OF A LONG TALE. (1370-1453.)
The tale of the last seventy-five years of the Byzantine Empire is a mere
piece of local history, and no longer forms an important thread in the web
of the history of Christendom. Murad the Turk might have taken
Constantinople in 1370, without altering in any very great measure the
course of events in Eastern Europe during the next century. For after 1370
the empire ceased to exercise its old function of “bulwark of Christendom
against the Ottomite.” That duty now fell to the Servians and Hungarians,
who continued to discharge it for the next hundred and fifty years. The
Paleologi, by their base subservience to the Turk, protracted the life of
the empire long after all justification for its existence had disappeared.
If Constantinople had fallen in 1370, instead of 1453, there are only two
ways in which European history would have been somewhat modified. The
commercial resources of Genoa and Venice would have been straitened before
the appointed time, and ere the Cape route to India enabled Europe to
dispense with the use of Constantinople as half-way house to the East.
And, we may add, the Renaissance would have been shorn of some of its
brilliance in the next century, if the dispersion of the Greeks had taken
place before Italy was quite fitted to receive them and turn their
learning to account. But in other respects it is hard to see that much
harm would have resulted from the fall of Constantinople in the end of the
fourteenth rather than the middle of the fifteenth century.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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