military conduct of Decius and Gallus, the soldiers of his own legion
raised Æmilianus to the purple. No time was to be lost. Summoned by
the troops, Æmilianus marched into Italy; and no sooner had he made his
appearance there, than the prætorian guards murdered the Emperor Gallus
and his son Volusianus, by way of confirming the election of Æmilianus.
The new emperor offered to secure the frontiers, both in the east and
on the Danube, from the incursions of the barbarians. This offer may
be regarded as thrown out for the conciliation of all classes in the
empire. But to the senate in particular he addressed a message, which
forcibly illustrates the political position of that body in those times.
Æmilianus proposed to resign the whole civil administration into the
hands of the senate, reserving to himself only the unenviable burthen of
the military interests. His hope was, that in this way making himself in
part the creation of the senate, he might strengthen his title against
competitors at Rome, whilst the entire military administration going on
under his own eyes, exclusively directed to that one object, would give
him some chance of defeating the hasty and tumultuary competitions
so apt to arise amongst the legions upon the frontier. We notice the
transaction chiefly as indicating the anomalous situation of the senate.
Without power in a proper sense, or no more, however, than the
indirect power of wealth, that ancient body retained an immense
_auctoritas_--that is, an influence built upon ancient reputation,
which, in their case, had the strength of a religious superstition in
all Italian minds. This influence the senators exerted with effect,
whenever the course of events had happened to reduce the power of the
army. And never did they make a more continuous and sustained effort for
retrieving their ancient power and place, together with the whole system
of the republic, than during the period at which we are now arrived.
From the time of Maximin, in fact, to the accession of Aurelian, the
senate perpetually interposed their credit and authority, like some
_Deus ex machinâ_ in the dramatic art. And if this one fact were
all that had survived of the public annals at this period, we might
sufficiently collect the situation of the two other parties in the
empire--the army and the imperator; the weakness and precarious tenure
of the one, and the anarchy of the other. And hence it is that we can
explain the hatred borne to the senate by vigorous emperors, such as
Aurelian, succeeding to a long course of weak and troubled reigns. Such
an emperor presumed in the senate, and not without reason, that same
spirit of domineering interference as ready to manifest itself, upon any
opportunity offered, against himself, which, in his earlier days, he
had witnessed so repeatedly in successful operation upon the fates and
prospects of others.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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