Yet even the showy concessions here made to the senate were defeated
by another political institution, settled at the same time. It had
been agreed that the governors of provinces should be appointed by the
emperor and the senate jointly. But within the senatorian jurisdiction,
these governors, with the title of _Proconsuls,_ were to have no
military power whatsoever; and the appointments were good only for a
single year. Whereas, in the imperatorial provinces, where the governor
bore the title of _Proprætor,_ there was provision made for a military
establishment; and as to duration, the office was regulated entirely by
the emperor's pleasure. One other ordinance, on the same head, riveted
the vassalage of the senate. Hitherto, a great source of the senate's
power had been found in the uncontrolled management of the provincial
revenues; but at this time, Augustus so arranged that branch of
the administration, that, throughout the senatorian or proconsular
provinces, all taxes were immediately paid into the _ararium_, or
treasury of the state; whilst the whole revenues of the proprætorian
(or imperatorial) provinces, from this time forward, flowed into the
_fiscus_, or private treasure of the individual emperor.] And in all
the rest of his arrangements, Augustus had proceeded on the principle
of leaving as many openings to civic influences, and impressing upon all
his institutions as much of the old Roman character, as was compatible
with the real and substantial supremacy established in the person of the
emperor. Neither is it at all certain, as regarded even this aspect of
the imperatorial office, that Augustus had the purpose, or so much as
the wish, to annihilate all collateral power, and to invest the chief
magistrate with absolute irresponsibility. For himself, as called upon
to restore a shattered government, and out of the anarchy of civil wars
to recombine the elements of power into some shape better fitted for
duration (and, by consequence, for insuring peace and protection to the
world) than the extinct republic, it might be reasonable to seek such an
irresponsibility. But, as regarded his successors, considering the great
pains he took to discourage all manifestations of princely arrogance,
and to develop, by education and example, the civic virtues of
patriotism and affability in their whole bearing towards the people
of Rome, there is reason to presume that he wished to remove them
from popular control, without, therefore, removing them from popular
influence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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