The German Government, with great patience, pointed out that what was
really required was some sort of a guarantee that a French tender
should not be accepted to the prejudice of the German share of the
concessions. The question was one which lent itself to much discussion,
many words, long correspondence and wearisome delays, and presently
the question of the railways complicated it still further. In the
secret letter of 1909 it had been stipulated that the directors of the
Moroccan railways should be French. The German Government now claimed
that this clause should be taken to mean that _only the directors_ of
the railway lines should be Frenchmen and that a large proportion of
the subordinate railway servants should be German. Here again Monsieur
Caillaux’s unfortunate propensity for epigram did not forsake him.
“We can’t have German stationmasters in spiked helmets in the railway
stations of Morocco,” he said.
The French Government made no counter-proposal with regard to the
management of the Moroccan railways, and the Berlin Government remained
silent on the question. This silence gave all thinking men considerable
grounds for uneasiness. It was felt that a very thinly veiled
antagonism on all questions of detail was making itself very apparent
at the Wilhelmstrasse. There was no definite decision made with regard
to Moroccan mining rights either, and it was just about this time that
the claims and concessions of the Mannesmann Brothers began to be
spoken of.
The situation became quite critical, and there is no doubt that
the critical trend of the situation was due very largely to the
determination of the Monis Government not to “have Monsieur Briand’s
policy mounted as a scarfpin.” If Monsieur Cruppi and his colleagues
had been able to approve the convention with Germany for N’Goko Sanga
and the Congo which Monsieur Pichon had prepared, there would have been
no excuse for the remark which was made soon afterwards to the French
Ambassador in Berlin by Herr von Kiderlen Waechter. “When the railway
question fell through I saw that you had made your minds up not to work
in concert with us in any matter whatsoever.”
Things were going from bad to worse in Morocco itself, and French
troops had to be sent on the road to Fez. On April 3, 1911, the French
Government ordered French troops to co-operate with the Sultan in the
chastisement of rebel bands. On April 17 (President Fallières had left
for Tunis on the 15th), the French Government placed 2400 men at the
disposal of General Moinier. On April 23, a column was sent to the
suburbs of Fez and on May 21 the French tricolour floated beneath the
walls of the Moroccan capital.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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