"My people have all respect for the wisdom of the makers of the
constitution, who framed an instrument perfectly suited to the
conditions as they existed at the time and continued to exist for eighty
years, prescribing the method of majority rule for a people who were of
an approximately equal civic intelligence and virtue. But when the
conditions were changed and a vast horde of illiterate and—in the hands
of unscrupulous leaders—vicious voters were added to the electorate,
stern necessity forbade them longer to give a sentimental support to
so-called fundamental principles in the constitution and permit
ignorance to rule intelligence and vice to rule virtue.
"The ’fundamental principles’ in that constitution, Mr. President, are
nothing more or less than wisely conceived _policies_ which were tried,
proved, and found good under the conditions for which they were devised.
The ’fundamental principle’ upon which the race problem of the South may
be solved will have been discovered with certainty only _after_ a
solution has been accomplished by the conscientious effort and best
thought of Southern white men.
"And they will solve this problem. It can never be settled, of course,
till Southern white men acquiesce in its settlement. They will settle
it in righteousness and will accept with gratefulness any suggestion
which their fellow countrymen have to offer in a spirit of sympathy and
helpfulness. But it may as well be understood that any such exhibition
as the President’s negro luncheon, which affronts the universal
sentiment of the final arbiters of this question, must necessarily put
further away the day of settlement. The negro problem cannot be worked
out by any simple little rule o’ thumb, and the negro will always be the
loser by any such melodramatic display of super-assertive backbone and
misinformed conscience.
"The President would settle this matter upon a purely theoretical
academic basis, this matter that in its practical effects will not touch
him nor his family nor his section, but will affect vitally the
happiness, the lives, the destiny of a chivalrous people whose ideas,
traditions, sentiments and convictions he carelessly ignores or
impetuously insults. Such exhibitions do not become a brave man. They
betoken, rather, a headstrong man, an inconsiderate man, a thoughtless
man, a fanatical man. It does seem that President Phillips would have
learned wisdom from the experience of his illustrious predecessor,
President Roosevelt, who did somewhat less of this sort of thing
once—and only once.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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