The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political StudyLinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political Study
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Chiang, Kai-shek, 1887-1975; China -- Politics and government -- 1912-1949
Around the Kuomintang center there are other groups, some closely
related to Chiang, some remote. The Political Scientists (_Chêng-hsüeh
Hsi_) owe their name to a society which once existed in Nanking. They
include many of the administrators, men with American training who are
interested in industrial and fiscal development. The clarity of this
group has faded by its absorption into the governing center. The
Cantonese are represented by two levels of politics: those who based
their power on Canton province and those who remained within the
government. President Sun K'ê of the Legislative _Yüan_ has been
outstanding in his willingness to cooperate with the Communists and
Left, and is on cordial terms with relatively independent progressives,
such as Mme. Sun Yat-sen. Further groups within the Kuomintang are
constituted by the loyalist followers of Wang Ch'ing-wei, who now attach
themselves to other leaders, and by other personal or regional
followings (e.g., the _Tungpei_ followers of Chang Hsüeh-liang,
ex-_tuchün_ of Manchuria and ex-Vice-Commander-in-Chief, still "retired"
as a result of the Sian kidnapping). Finally, a number of elder Party
leaders remain because of their seniority or connection with Sun
Yat-sen; they do not need to attach themselves to any particular clique
in order to retain their position. These include such men as the
venerable Secretary-General of the Party, Yeh Ch'u-tsang; the President
of the National Government, Lin Shên; and the President of the Control
_Yüan_, Yü Yu-jên.
What has been said about the groups in the People's Political Council
(see p. 76 _ff._) applies to these. It is possible, as in American
congressional or administrative circles, to distinguish blocs of
leaders with differing interests or policy; but clarity fades upon
scrutiny. The orientation, even by the participants, is subjective.
Lacking continuous institutional form, clustering of leaders is
transient, shifting with political events.
It is difficult to appraise the role of the Kuomintang without at the
same time assessing the position of the government. The two are
inescapably connected. Although the Communists profess recognition of
the government, and pledge it loyalty, they offer only comradeship--on
their own terms--to the Kuomintang. This arrangement may last for a
considerable length of time, but the National Government is a Kuomintang
creation; short of violent revolution, Party control will scarcely break
in war time. Upon the Party, therefore, depends much of the efficacy of
the Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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