The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political StudyLinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political Study
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Chiang, Kai-shek, 1887-1975; China -- Politics and government -- 1912-1949
This orthodoxy, so complete that it enthralls the leadership to Moscow
and paralyzes Marxian heretics in the very act of dissidence, reaches
throughout the upper levels of the party. This fact does not mean that
the Chinese Communist movement is in no wise different from other
national Communist movements. The historical basis of the Chinese
Communism, ever since Chiang smashed the urban unions in 1927, has been
that of an exotic faith imposed upon a native _jacquerie_, in which the
exoticism is unwittingly traditionalist. Peasant revolts of the Chinese
past have operated with the counter-ideocratic leverage of a
superstition, normally Taoist in derivation. The heads of the Yellow
Turbans (ca. 200 A.D.) and the Boxers (ca. 1900) were all magicians; the
T'aip'ing (ca. 1850) leader was a Christian in communication with God
Himself. These heresies against the all-pervading order of Confucian
common sense disappeared after their high-pitched dynamics died down in
social readjustment.
Marxism provides an element of faith, devotion, and irrational
submission which has operated in past Chinese history. The frugality,
honesty, and integrity of the Chinese Red leaders are celebrated by
foreign visitors and even by Nationalist officials; such revolutionary
virtues seem new in China, whereas they are the twentieth-century
manifestation of a common enough phase of Chinese political activity.
However, one cannot herefrom conclude that the Chinese Communist
movement is destined to disappear with its predecessors, for it has
three things which they did not have: an extra-Chinese application,
which not only supports it, but proves its concreteness and relative
realizability; a modern system of education, and thereby a class of
counter-ideologues to compete with the post-Confucian Nationalists; and
leaders with revolutionary experience greater than any in the world, not
excepting that of the great Soviet leaders themselves. Ancient peasant
uprisings revealed a final cleavage between dervish-type organizers and
the peasants, once infuriated, who finally sought normalcy. If the
Chinese Communist leaders can, through the example of the Soviet Union,
or by education, or by dexterous leadership, make Communism into
normalcy, they may retain their hold on such sections of the peasantry
as their leadership has captured.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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