The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political StudyLinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political Study
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Chiang, Kai-shek, 1887-1975; China -- Politics and government -- 1912-1949
[Footnote 7: The China Information Committee, _News Release_, July 15,
1940. The article and tables have been somewhat abridged. The
cooperatives spread so rapidly that figures are often obsolete before
they are tabulated.]
The Model Constitution for an Industrial Cooperative[8] establishes
safeguards to keep the cooperatives from becoming profiteering
sweatshops. Bankrupts, drug addicts, persons incapable of working, and
persons already members of a unit are forbidden to join a unit being
formed (_Art._ 7). No member may subscribe more than 20 per cent of the
share capital of a single society (_Art._ 9). A general annual meeting,
with the quorum set at one-half, and action requiring the majority of a
quorum, is the highest authority in a unit (_Art._ 19). This meeting
elects a board of directors and a separate board of supervisors (_Arts._
22 and 23). Sweeping disqualifications keep members from mixing personal
or outside interests and cooperative matters (_Art._ 32). The design of
the unit constitution is such that each unit is an authentic, autonomous
cooperative, governed well or badly in accordance with the abilities and
needs of its members, and is not a mere fraction of state capitalism.
[Footnote 8: "Model Constitution for Chinese Cooperative Societies,
Revised July 7th, 1940," The China Information Committee, _News
Release_, July 15, 1940.]
The C.I.C. taps a level of Chinese society hitherto largely
unused[9]--the family, guild, village, and volunteer-society devices of
the peasantry and townsmen who lived beneath the lowest limits of the
scholastic bureaucracy. The Communists act as the inheritors to
temporarily fanatical peasant rebellions; the National Government and
Kuomintang, to ascendant mandarinates; the C.I.C. brings into play the
rich experience of the Chinese with collective action. The resources of
the social power so mobilized cannot easily be estimated, but general
success would reshape much of Chinese society.
[Footnote 9: Nevertheless, the rural cooperative movement must be
counted in as having made some beginnings, despite the obstacles it
has faced. More than seventy thousand credit and marketing
cooperatives were in service last year. (The same, April 22, 1940.)]
In fitting the C.I.C. to the general Chinese scene, however, it is
important to compare the movement with some of the New Deal reforms in
the United States, such as T.V.A. (Tennessee Valley Authority). Though
these are important, neither the American nor the Chinese enterprises
proclaim social revolution or charter Utopias. The reforms of President
Roosevelt have had incalculable effect; no one knows what would have
happened without them. Nevertheless, it is excessive to suggest that the
existence of the United States as a political society depends upon these
reforms. Similarly, the continuation of the National Government of China
does not rest on the C.I.C., or on any other single institution alone.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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