The Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Volume 11: AntepenultimataBierce, Ambrose
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The Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Volume 11: Antepenultimata
Bierce, Ambrose
American essays; American literature
It is a practical, an illogical, a turbulent time, yes; it always is.
The age of Jesus Christ was a practical age, yet Jesus Christ was
sweetly impractical. In an illogical period Socrates reasoned clearly,
and logically died for it. Nero’s time was a time of turbulence, yet
Seneca’s mind was not disturbed, nor his conscience perverted. Compare
their fame with the everlasting infamy that time has fixed upon the
names of the Jack Cades, the Robespierres, the Tomaso Nielos—guides
and gods of the “fierce democracies” which rise with a sickening
periodicity to defile the page of history with a quickly fading mark of
blood and fire, their own awful example their sole contribution to the
good of mankind. To be a child of your time, imbued with its spirit and
endowed with its aims—that is to petition Posterity for a niche in the
Temple of Shame.
No strike of any prominence ever takes place in this country without
the concomitants of violence and destruction of property, and
usually murder. These cheerful incidents one who does not personally
suffer them can endure with considerable fortitude, but hypocritical
condemnation of them by the press that has instigated them and the
strikers who have planned and executed them, and who invariably ascribe
them to those whom they most injure; the solemn offers of the leaders
to assist in protecting the imperiled property and avenging the dead,
while openly employing counsel for every incendiary and assassin
arrested in spite of them—these are pretty hard to bear. A strike
means (for it includes as its main method) violence, lawlessness,
destruction of the property of others than the strikers, riot and, if
necessary, bloodshed. Even when the strikers themselves have no hand in
these crimes they are morally liable for the foreknown consequences of
their act. Nay, they are morally liable for _all_ the consequences—all
the inconveniences and losses to the community, all the sufferings
of the poor entailed by interruptions of trade, all the privations
of other workingmen whom a selfish attention to their own supposed
advantage throws out of the closed industries. They are liable in
morals and should be made so in law—only that strikes are needless.
It is not worth while to create a multitude of complex criminal
responsibilities for acts which can, possibly, be prevented by a single
and simple one. How?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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