The College, the Market, and the Court: or, Woman's relation to education, labor and lawDall, Caroline Wells Healey
History
The College, the Market, and the Court: or, Woman's relation to education, labor and law
Dall, Caroline Wells Healey
Women -- Education; Women -- Employment; Women -- Legal status, laws, etc.
A provision thus limited by public opinion and prejudice would probably
have very little force. I have understood that such a provision has
taken effect in some parts of Michigan, and it has also been recommended
to the State of Massachusetts. Very early in the history of our
government, its inconsistencies became a matter of comment among women
themselves. How could it be otherwise? How can she be said to have a
right to _life_, who has never consented to the laws which may deprive
her of it, who is steadily refused a trial by her peers, who has no
voice in the election of her judges? How can she be said to have a right
to _liberty_, whose person, if not yet in custody, almost inevitably
becomes so on her maturity, who does not own her earnings, who can make
no valid contract, and is taxed without representation? How can that
woman be said to possess either the right or the reality of _happiness_,
who is deprived of the custody of her own person, of the guardianship of
her children, of the right to devise or share her property?
The government is tyrannical which leaves a single citizen in this
predicament. What is to be said of a government which enforces it upon
half its subjects?
It is not strange then, that, half in jest, half in earnest, the wife of
John Adams wrote to him in 1776 to ask if it "were generous in American
men to claim absolute power over wives at a moment when they were
emancipating the whole earth." Nor was it strange, that, in a more
serious mood, Hannah Corbin of Virginia should write to her brother,
Richard Henry Lee, on the same subject.
The American Colonies were struggling against the mother-country, on the
ground that taxation and representation should be inseparable.
The "National Intelligencer" has to confess, when it tells the story,
that it was not strange if "strong-minded" women of that era, finding
themselves _taxed_, should wonder why they could not vote.
Mr. Lee wrote from Chantilly in reply, March 17, 1778:--
"I do not see," he says, "that any thing prevents widows, having
large property, from voting, notwithstanding it has never been the
case either here or in England. Perhaps it was thought unbecoming
for women to press into tumultuous assemblies.... Perhaps it was
thought, that, as all those who vote for taxes must bear the tax,
none would be imposed, except for the public good.
"For both the widow and the single woman," he continues, "I have
the highest respect; and would, at any time, give my consent to
secure to them the franchise, though I do not think it would
increase their security.
"The Committee of Taxation," he adds, "are regularly chosen by the
freeholders and housekeepers; and, in the choice of them, you have as
legal a right to vote as any person."
Mr. Lee thinks, that, in a few minutes' conversation, he could "content"
his sister upon the subject; but eighty years have passed away, and the
question is still unsettled.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account