Great Britain -- History -- Medieval period, 1066-1485
When the reserve of supernumeraries became absorbed,
the competition turned the other way, and the surviving clergy could
make their own terms. It was otherwise with the masses, especially with
the peasantry. If there were an insufficient number of labourers to
till the land heretofore in cultivation, the worst land fell out of
cultivation, and no one was much the worse. It was all very well for
some landlords to complain that their rents had fallen off. Yes!
Then--as now, as always--the small proprietors suffered severely, and
needy men are wont to be clamorous. Then--as now, as always--the
sufferers looked about them for a cause of their distress, and found it
in any event that was nearest at hand. But we know that the style of
living after the plague was incomparably more luxurious and extravagant
than it was before. The country was producing less, it may be; but the
people, man for man, were much richer than before.
When we find ourselves confronted with the rhetorical stuff which the
literature of preambles and parliamentary petitions in the fourteenth
century flaunts so liberally before our eyes, we must learn to accept
the statements of draughtsmen _cum grano_, and to read between the
lines. The Commons were quite equal to making the most of any calamity
that occurred. When the Parliament, which had not met since mid Lent,
1348, assembled once more in February, 1350, the plague was not
forgotten. In the petitions presented to the King, the havoc wrought is
dwelt upon and deplored, _not_ with a view to remedy any of the
distress that had ensued, but in the hope that the arrears of taxation
due from the dead might be excused to the survivors who had succeeded
to the others' property. If they complain of the scarcity and dearness
of corn, this is to give point to their protest against the King's
servants taking it for the victualling of his army and the town of
Calais. If, again, they sound a note of alarm at the outrageous
insolence of the labourers who presumed to demand a large increase of
wage, and would not work at the old scale of pay, there is no pretence
that the employers could not afford to accede to the increased demand;
the "grand meschief du poeple" consisted in this, that the tillers of
the soil should have dreamt of asserting themselves in any way
whatever. Moreover, when it came to legislating against the mutinous
labourers, King and Parliament, while sternly setting their faces
against the rise in wages, _do not take the twenty-third year of the
King as the standard year_ by which to settle what the normal rate of
wages should be. They go back to the twentieth year, _ou cynk ou sis
ans devans_. That is to say, the wages had been steadily rising for ten
years before the plague; the labourers had been getting their share of
the increased prosperity of the country; and the Statute of Labourers
was only one of the clumsy attempts to interfere with the action of a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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