The Commune of London, and other studiesRound, John Horace
History
The Commune of London, and other studies
Round, John Horace
Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; London (England) -- History -- To 1500
Belonging to the same type as the men whom the first Henry had steadily
raised to office and to power as a check upon the turbulent feudal
nobility, William was called upon to play a similar part in Ireland
as the representative of the royal power among the eager adventurers
who had flocked to the land of promise. Hence their bitter complaints
against his rule to the king, and the violent criticism of his personal
character to which Giraldus gave utterance from the point of view of
his kinsmen. Now Professor Tout rejects the statement, in the two lines
we have quoted, that William came with the king, and infers from the
‘Gesta’ that Henry had despatched him some time before from Normandy to
govern till he came. But there is evidence--though unknown, it would
seem, to historians--that throws fresh light upon the question. Mr.
Eyton, in his ‘Court and Itinerary’ of the king, could not discover
any document belonging to his stay at Pembroke (29th September to 16th
October), while waiting to cross to Ireland. It was there, however,
on the 7th of October (as the date is, in this case, given) that he
granted a charter to the men of Maldon,[346] from which we learn that
with him at the time were the earls of Cornwall and Clare (Hertford),
Roger Bigod, three of his ‘dapiferi,’ or household officers, William
Ruffus, Alvred de St. Martin, and William Fitz Audelin, with two men,
Hugh de Gundeville and Robert Fitz Bernard, whom he took with him to
Ireland and left there. It is clear then that if William Fitz Audelin
and Robert Fitz Bernard met him on landing at Waterford, they can only
have preceded him, at most, by a few days. This discovery vindicates
the virtual accuracy of the poem.
Mr. Eyton’s work, to which I have referred, records (p. 165) another
charter of interest for its date. It belongs to Henry’s stay at
Wexford, in March, 1172, on his way back to England. As only the first
two witnesses were known to Mr. Eyton, a full list may here be appended
as illustrating the king’s _entourage_ on this expedition.
Testibus; Comite Ricardo filio Gilberti; Willelmo de Braosa;
Willelmo de Albin[eio];[347] Reginaldo de Cortenay; Hugone de
Gundevilla; Willelmo filio Aldelini dapifero; Hugone de Cresy;
Willelmo de Stotevilla; Radulfo de Aya (_sic_); Reginaldo
de Pavily; Radulfo de Verdun; Willelmo de Gerpunvilla; Roberto
de Ruilli; Apud Wesefordam.[348]
Turning now to other subjects, one of the most curious allusions in
this poem is that which refers to the practice of tendering a folded
glove as a gage for waging one’s law. Maurice de Prendergast is accused
of treason in protecting the king of Ossory from the perfidy of his
foes:
E Morice a sun guant plee,
A son seignur lad baille,
Quen sa curt ad dressereit
De quant quil mespris aueit.
Asez lunt replegeez
De vassals engleis alosez.
So, too, when Robert Fitz Stephen was brought as a traitor before king
Henry:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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