The condition of EnglandMasterman, Charles F. G. (Charles Frederick Gurney)
History
The condition of England
Masterman, Charles F. G. (Charles Frederick Gurney)
Great Britain -- Economic conditions; Great Britain -- Social conditions
the people, a generation after the people who once hungered for that
offer have flung themselves into the cities or beyond the sea. In
another period of years, progress may have compelled the breaking
up of the big estates; once again, after the population who would
avail themselves to-day of such offers, to-morrow will have passed
from the scene. In exercise and enjoyment, in parties and pleasant
gardens, amid a playing at the ancient rural traditions, and through
the newer mechanisms of locomotion, the decay passes almost unnoticed.
The few who lift up their voices in warning are openly despised as
agitators, or condemned as political pessimists. The rural reformer
finds himself not so much opposed as ridiculed. What remains of the
system, fortified by the city wealth, is so evidently unassailable by
what remains of any resistent forces, that it can afford to contemplate
all efforts towards revolt with a good-tempered disdain. Occasionally a
village learns of some legislation designed for its benefit, of “Small
Holdings” which a benignant Government designs for the advantage of
the adventurous, of the apparatus of rural Self-Government, which can
give to the poorest some right of control of the village commercial
activities. It cautiously or boldly essays the paths of progress. The
inhabitants apply for land to the great landowners who constitute the
County Council, or organise themselves into a tiny village caucus
for the capture of the Parish Meeting. Then, in quiet and effectual
action, the movement of revolt is scattered and suppressed. It is
explained to the applicants how unsuitable they are for the position
of independent agricultural industry: or the leaders of the democratic
upheaval are informed that it is not in the least convenient to their
owners that they should concern themselves with the intricacies of
local self-government. In a few months, or, at most, a few years, order
reigns--at Auburn, as at Warsaw. And those who had been galvanised into
some semblance of life have, for the most part, disappeared: to London,
to the nearest city, to the British dominions beyond the sea. Such
pitiful uprising, with its consequent disasters, evokes no resentment
against the dominant power. It rather evokes resentment against those
who had stirred up the forces of disturbance. In a certain village in
Oxfordshire an unwary Liberal member of Parliament recently stimulated
resistance to the enclosure by the landlord of a right-of-way. The
resistance was sustained, and the village preserved in its ancient
privilege. But all six witnesses who had testified to the ancient
customs were dismissed from their occupations, and driven from the
district. And indignation fell, not on the landlord who thus revealed
his power, but on the member of Parliament who revealed his impotence.
It was the Liberal, not the Conservative organisation, which henceforth
found a united opposition to its energies: as the population,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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