The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892Engels, Friedrich
History
The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892
Engels, Friedrich
Great Britain -- Economic conditions; Working class -- Great Britain
wrote imperfectly; 6.77 could read and write well; 0.22 had enjoyed a
higher education, while the degree of education of 2.34 could not be
ascertained. In Scotland, crime has increased yet more rapidly. There
were but 89 arrests for criminal offences in 1819, and as early as 1837
the number had risen to 3,176, and in 1842 to 4,189. In Lanarkshire,
where Sheriff Alison himself made out the official report, population has
doubled once in thirty years, and crime once in five and a half, or six
times more rapidly than the population. The offences, as in all
civilised countries, are, in the great majority of cases, against
property, and have, therefore, arisen from want in some form; for what a
man has, he does not steal. The proportion of offences against property
to the population, which in the Netherlands is as 1: 7,140, and in
France, as 1: 1,804, was in England, when Gaskell wrote, as 1: 799. The
proportion of offences against persons to the population is, in the
Netherlands, 1: 28,904; in France, 1: 17,573; in England, 1: 23,395; that
of crimes in general to the population in the agricultural districts, as
1: 1,043; in the manufacturing districts as 1: 840. {131a} In the whole
of England to-day the proportion is 1: 660; {131b} though it is scarcely
ten years since Gaskell's book appeared!
These facts are certainly more than sufficient to bring any one, even a
bourgeois, to pause and reflect upon the consequences of such a state of
things. If demoralisation and crime multiply twenty years longer in this
proportion (and if English manufacture in these twenty years should be
less prosperous than heretofore, the progressive multiplication of crime
can only continue the more rapidly), what will the result be? Society is
already in a state of visible dissolution; it is impossible to pick up a
newspaper without seeing the most striking evidence of the giving way of
all social ties. I look at random into a heap of English journals lying
before me; there is the _Manchester Guardian_ for October 30, 1844, which
reports for three days. It no longer takes the trouble to give exact
details as to Manchester, and merely relates the most interesting cases:
that the workers in a mill have struck for higher wages without giving
notice, and been condemned by a Justice of the Peace to resume work; that
in Salford a couple of boys had been caught stealing, and a bankrupt
tradesman tried to cheat his creditors. From the neighbouring towns the
reports are more detailed: in Ashton, two thefts, one burglary, one
suicide; in Bury, one theft; in Bolton, two thefts, one revenue fraud; in
Leigh, one theft; in Oldham, one strike for wages, one theft, one fight
between Irish women, one non-Union hatter assaulted by Union men, one
mother beaten by her son, one attack upon the police, one robbery of a
church; in Stockport, discontent of working-men with wages, one theft,
one fraud, one fight, one wife beaten by her husband; in Warrington, one
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