The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892Engels, Friedrich
History
The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892
Engels, Friedrich
Great Britain -- Economic conditions; Working class -- Great Britain
Since, as we have seen, no single field for the exercise of his manhood
is left him, save his opposition to the whole conditions of his life, it
is natural that exactly in this opposition he should be most manly,
noblest, most worthy of sympathy. We shall see that all the energy, all
the activity of the working-men is directed to this point, and that even
their attempts to attain general education all stand in direct connection
with this. True, we shall have single acts of violence and even of
brutality to report, but it must always be kept in mind that the social
war is avowedly raging in England; and that, whereas it is in the
interest of the bourgeoisie to conduct this war hypocritically, under the
disguise of peace and even of philanthropy, the only help for the working-
men consists in laying bare the true state of things and destroying this
hypocrisy; that the most violent attacks of the workers upon the
bourgeoisie and its servants are only the open, undisguised expression of
that which the bourgeoisie perpetrates secretly, treacherously against
the workers.
The revolt of the workers began soon after the first industrial
development, and has passed through several phases. The investigation of
their importance in the history of the English people I must reserve for
separate treatment, limiting myself meanwhile to such bare facts as serve
to characterise the condition of the English proletariat.
The earliest, crudest, and least fruitful form of this rebellion was that
of crime. The working-man lived in poverty and want, and saw that others
were better off than he. It was not clear to his mind why he, who did
more for society than the rich idler, should be the one to suffer under
these conditions. Want conquered his inherited respect for the
sacredness of property, and he stole. We have seen how crime increased
with the extension of manufacture; how the yearly number of arrests bore
a constant relation to the number of bales of cotton annually consumed.
The workers soon realised that crime did not help matters. The criminal
could protest against the existing order of society only singly, as one
individual; the whole might of society was brought to bear upon each
criminal, and crushed him with its immense superiority. Besides, theft
was the most primitive form of protest, and for this reason, if for no
other, it never became the universal expression of the public opinion of
the working-men, however much they might approve of it in silence. As a
class, they first manifested opposition to the bourgeoisie when they
resisted the introduction of machinery at the very beginning of the
industrial period. The first inventors, Arkwright and others, were
persecuted in this way and their machines destroyed. Later, there took
place a number of revolts against machinery, in which the occurrences
were almost precisely the same as those of the printers' disturbances in
Bohemia in 1844; factories were demolished and machinery destroyed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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