The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892Engels, Friedrich
History
The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844: with a Preface written in 1892
Engels, Friedrich
Great Britain -- Economic conditions; Working class -- Great Britain
The fruit of the uprising was the decisive separation of the proletariat
from the bourgeoisie. The Chartists had not hitherto concealed their
determination to carry the Charter at all costs, even that of a
revolution; the bourgeoisie, which now perceived, all at once, the danger
with which any violent change threatened its position, refused to hear
anything further of physical force, and proposed to attain its end by
moral force, as though this were anything else than the direct or
indirect threat of physical force. This was one point of dissension,
though even this was removed later by the assertion of the Chartists (who
are at least as worthy of being believed as the bourgeoisie) that they,
too, refrained from appealing to physical force. The second point of
dissension and the main one, which brought Chartism to light in its
purity, was the repeal of the Corn Laws. In this the bourgeoisie was
directly interested, the proletariat not. The Chartists therefore
divided into two parties whose political programmes agreed literally, but
which were nevertheless thoroughly different and incapable of union. At
the Birmingham National Convention, in January, 1843, Sturge, the
representative of the Radical bourgeoisie, proposed that the name of the
Charter be omitted from the rules of the Chartist Association, nominally
because this name had become connected with recollections of violence
during the insurrection, a connection, by the way, which had existed for
years, and against which Mr. Sturge had hitherto advanced no objection.
The working-men refused to drop the name, and when Mr. Sturge was
outvoted, that worthy Quaker suddenly became loyal, betook himself out of
the hall, and founded a "Complete Suffrage Association" within the
Radical bourgeoisie. So repugnant had these recollections become to the
Jacobinical bourgeoisie, that he altered even the name Universal Suffrage
into the ridiculous title, Complete Suffrage. The working-men laughed at
him and quietly went their way.
From this moment Chartism was purely a working-man's cause freed from all
bourgeois elements. The "Complete" journals, the _Weekly Dispatch_,
_Weekly Chronicle_, _Examiner_, etc., fell gradually into the sleepy tone
of the other Liberal sheets, espoused the cause of Free Trade, attacked
the Ten Hours' Bill and all exclusively working-men's demands, and let
their Radicalism as a whole fall rather into the background. The Radical
bourgeoisie joined hands with the Liberals against the working-men in
every collision, and in general made the Corn Law question, which for the
English is the Free Trade question, their main business. They thereby
fell under the dominion of the Liberal bourgeoisie, and now play a most
pitiful role.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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