The Contemporary Review, Volume 36, September 1879Various
History
The Contemporary Review, Volume 36, September 1879
Various
Arts -- Periodicals; Literature -- Periodicals; Political science -- Periodicals
intellectual and moral life of mankind, is the essential basis of modern
life. "Henceforth, I call you not servants, for the servant knoweth not
what his lord doeth; but I have called you friends," is a word of Christ
which scarcely began to be verified till the Reformation. And while its
verification cannot mean the negation of that division of labour upon
which society rests,--cannot mean that each one should _know_ and
_judge_, any more than that each one should _do_, everything for
himself,--it at least means that every power and authority should
henceforth be, in the true sense of the word, spiritual, and rest for
its main support upon the opinion of those who obey it. It is because he
has not appreciated this truth that Comte so decidedly breaks with the
democratic spirit of modern times, and seeks to set up an aristocracy in
the State and a monarchy in the Church. Yet the spirit of the age is,
after all, too strong for him, and while he refuses to the governed any
regular and legitimate way of reacting upon the powers that govern them,
he recognizes that the _ultima ratio_, the final remedy for
misgovernment, lies in their irregular and illegitimate action. As
regards the State, he declares that "the right of insurrection is the
ultimate resource with which no society should allow itself to
dispense."[40] And as regards the Church he says that if "the High
Priest of Humanity, supported by the body of the clergy, should go
wrong, then the only remedy left would be the refusal of co-operation, a
remedy which can never fail, as the priesthood rests solely on
conscience and opinion, and succumbs, therefore, to their adverse
sentence." The civil government, in fact, can bring the spiritual power
to a dead-lock, by "suspending its stipend, for in cases of serious
error, popular subscriptions would not replace it, unless on the
supposition of a fanaticism scarcely compatible with the Positive faith,
where there is enthusiasm for the doctrines, rather than for the
teachers."[41] Comte also desiderates among the proletariate a strong
reactive influence of public opinion, by which the officers, both of
Church and State, are to be kept to their work. But if this is
desirable, why should the proletariate have no regular means of making
their will felt? An "organic" theory of the constitution of society must
surely provide every real force with a legitimate form of expression; if
a social theory embodies the idea of revolution in it, it is
self-condemned.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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