are legitimately in court, and recognized by the judges.' I take it that plea would avail. And if the crier wanted to employ a person to sweep the court-room the next moment, he could employ that defendant to do it. There is not a man in the rebel States (_whom we publicly know of_) who has a standing under the Constitution regarding this slavery question. By his own argument he lives in a foreign country; by our own argument he is not _rectus in curia_. Were I an invading general and wanted horses, I would decoy them from the rebels with hay and stable enticements. If I wanted trench-diggers, camp scullions, or artillerists, or pilots, or oarsmen, or guides, and, being that general, saw negroes about me, I should press them into my service. Time enough to talk about the rights of some one to possess the negroes by better claim of title to service when that somebody, with the Constitution in one hand and stipulation of allegiance in the other, demands legal possession. Even the fugitive slave is emancipated practically whilst in Ohio, and whilst not yet demanded. Rebel soldiers daily leave their plantations and abandon their negroes. _Pro tem_, at least, the latter are then emancipated. Let them, when within Our lines, continue emancipated. _Mr. Welles._ Would you arm them? _Mr. Stanton._ Yes, if exigencies of situation so demanded. The beleaguered garrison at Lucknow armed every one about the place--natives or not, servants or masters. Did General Washington spare the whisky stills in the time of the insurrection in Western Virginia when they were in his way? Yet the stills were universally agreed to be property, and were not taken by due process of law. Shall we fight a rebel in Charleston streets, and at the same time protect his negro by a guard in the Charleston jail? _Mr. Blair._ But what instructions would you give to the soldiers about this _casus belli_? _Mr. Stanton._ None at all. The soldier should know nothing about _casus belli_. General Buell answered the correspondent well when he said, 'I know nothing about the cause of this war. I am to fight the rebels and obey orders.' Cries a general to a subaltern--'Yonder smokes a battery--go and take it.' Do we issue specific instructions to the troops about the women, the children, the chickens, the forage, the mules-persons or property--whom they encounter? The circumstances and the exigencies of the situation determine their conduct. A household mastiff who will pin a rebel by the throat when he passes his kennel, flying from pursuit, is just as serviceable as would prove a loyal bullet sped to the rebel's brain. I believe that the acknowledged fact, the necessary fact, that wherever our army advances, emancipation practically ensues, will carry more terror to the slave-owner than any other warlike incident. But I would have them understand that this result is not our design, but a necessity of _their_ rebellion.