The Continental Monthly , Vol. 2 No. 5, November 1862: Devoted to Literature and National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly , Vol. 2 No. 5, November 1862: Devoted to Literature and National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
The Proclamation of Freedom by President Lincoln is doubtless open to
criticism. Why did he not declare all slaves emancipated? Why not make
such legal manumission operative at once? Why intimate that certain
States should (or might) be excepted from its operation? Why not declare
the slaves liberated because of the essential, inevitable wrong of
holding them in bondage? Why not appeal to God for His blessing on the
cause henceforward inseparably identified with that of Right and
Liberty? Such questions may be multiplied indefinitely; but to what end?
What matters that the Proclamation might or should be different, since
we have practical concern only with the Proclamation as it is?
For more than a lifetime, slavery has been accepted and regarded as a
national institution. The American in Europe was "perplexed in the
extreme" by the questionings and criticisms of humane, intelligent
observers, who could not comprehend how a country should contain Four
Millions of slaves by the official census, yet not be a slaveholding
country. With our capital a slaveholding city; with our fortresses in
good part constructed by the labor of slaves; with our flag the chief
shelter of the African Slave Trade, and our statute book disgraced by
the most arbitrary and inhuman Fugitive Slave Law ever devised, it _was_
a nice operation to prove this no slaveholding country, but only one
wherein certain citizens, by virtue of local laws, over which we had no
control, were permitted to hold Blacks in slavery. And, when it is
notorious that the active partisans of slavery filled every Federal
office, even in the nominally free States, and excluded rigorously from
office every opponent of the baleful system, it is certain that the
shrug of the polite Frenchman who listened to our demonstration that
ours, after all, was not a slaveholding country, was an indication of
complaisance rather than of conviction. To prove this nothing of the
sort, while Brazil was placed at the head of modern slaveholding
countries, was to overtax the resources of human sophistry.
The Proclamation is an immense fact. If it were no more than a
recognition from the highest quarter of the deadly antagonism between
slavery and the Union, it would have inexhaustible significance. The
American republic, bleeding at every pore while fighting desperately for
life, arraigns slavery as her chief enemy and peril. The truth was long
since clear to every candid mind; but truth gains force by recognition.
Thousands realize a fact thus proclaimed, who have hitherto ignored and
resisted it.
For thirty years, the charge of disloyalty has borne heavily on the
American champion of Universal Liberty. True, as to a very few, who
could not obtain the assent of their consciences to compacts which bound
them to aid the oppressor against his victim, they were made a weapon of
offense against all. Abolitionists were execrated and hooted by the mob
as champions at once of Negro Equality and of National dissolution.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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