The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3, No. 1 January 1863: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3, No. 1 January 1863: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
Mr. Cairnes justly denies the common theory that the South has
maintained paramount political sway in the Union by a superior capacity
for politics. He declares that men whose interests and ideas are
concentrated in a very narrow range, on one object, have vast advantage
over their intellectual superiors, when the latter pursue no such single
course. He might have added that the young Southern gentleman, when not
intended for a physician, almost invariably devotes to mere provincial
politics and the arts of declamation and debate, all of those
intellectual energies which the Northerner applies to business, art,
commerce, literature, and other solidly useful occupations. If the
Southerner has an inborn superior _talent_ for politics, why is it that,
as in the case of British or French statesmen, he never develops the
slightest talent for _literature_? So notoriously is this the case, that
even the first writers of the South, especially for the press, are
generally broken-down Northern literary hacks, or miserable Irish and
English refugees. Mr. Cairnes quotes De Bow's _Review_. He might be
amazed, could he examine a number of that remarkable periodical, at the
quality of the English written by some of the most eminent philosophers,
patriots, and politicians of the confederacy!
The history of the Slave Power, as set forth in Louisiana, Missouri and
its Compromise, the Mexican war, Kansas, the rise of the Republican
Party, the Dred Scott decision, the attempt of John Brown, and
secession, are given in a masterly manner in this work, and with a
miraculous appreciation of truths. Not less vigorous and shrewd is the
chapter devoted to the designs of the Slave Power, in which the future
capacity of that power to do illimitable mischief is set forth in a
manner which will be new even to the great mass of American Republican
readers. If we differ with him in his 'Conclusion,' it is that we may be
consistent to his earlier position. We do not agree with him when he
advocates the giving permission to the South to secede with the
Mississippi as their western boundary. Penned up by North and West, and
with their ports occupied by us, the South would soon decay. But we
rather believe the North, brought to the tremendous trial of a test
between aristocracy and republicanism, will yet conquer by destroying
slavery and giving the poor whites of the South their rights. But we
cannot conclude without expressing the earnest hope that this book will
be read, and that thoroughly, by every intelligent American. There is at
present a reaction rapidly forming in England in favor of the Federal
cause, and we foresee that this extraordinary work--the best summary in
existence of our principles, and the most overwhelming stylus-stroke
which slavery has ever received--is destined to be of incalculable
service to the great cause. Let it circulate by the hundred
thousand!--and do you, dear reader, do your part by perusing it, and
making its merits known to all.
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