The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3 No 2, February 1863: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3 No 2, February 1863: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
people of all the other States, as to enable them to dictate the terms
on which the Union should be governed or dissolved? No; it is only in a
meeting of all the States, in Congress or convention, that that
knowledge of the wants and interests of all, and that fusion of
sentiment and opinion, and spirit of concession, can exist, in which the
Constitution was framed, and all its powers should be exercised.
If we hold Southern conventions, then will there be Northern, Eastern,
and Western conventions, and they will overthrow the Union. Partial
confederacies will first be formed, and then, as Mr. Jefferson most
truly tells us, would speedily follow the formation of a separate and
independent government by each State. What is it we are asked to
abandon, and for what? That Union which ushered in the morn of American
Liberty, and gave birth to the Declaration of Independence; which
carried our armies victoriously through the storms of the Revolution and
the last war, and now waves triumphantly in every sea, the kindred
emblem of our country's glory. It gave us Washington--it gave us
liberty, and bears our name aloft among the nations of the earth. It is
our only rampart in war--our only safeguard in peace, and under its
auspices we declared, achieved, maintained, and can alone preserve our
liberties. It is the only basis of our solid and substantial interests,
and the last star of hope to the oppressed of every clime. Shall we
calculate its value? No! for we will not estimate the value of
liberty--and 'liberty and union are inseparable.' Dissolve this Union,
and let each State become, as Mr. Jefferson truly tells us it would, a
separate government, could we preserve our liberties? Where would be the
army and navy and seamen of the State of Mississippi? how to be
procured, and how to be maintained and paid? Where would be her
ambassadors and treaties, her commerce--and through what ports and by
whose permission would she ship her exports or introduce her imports?
Who would respect her flag, who recognize her as a nation--and how would
she punish aggressions upon her rights, on the ocean or the land? No,
fellow citizens; the President truly tells us that 'separate
independence' is a 'dream'--a dream from which we would wake in bondage
or in death. But, if disgraced abroad, what would be our situation at
home, as separate bordering and hostile States--and how long could we
remain in peace and concord? The voice of history tells us--the
bloodstained fields of our sister republics of America proclaim, that
disunion would be the signal for WAR--a war of conquest, in which the
weak would fall before the power of the strong; and upon the ruins of
this now happy Union might arise the darkest despotism that ever crushed
the liberties of mankind, for it would be established and could only be
maintained by the bayonet. Perhaps, while yet the civil war should rage
with doubtful issue, while exhausted and bleeding at every pore, that
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