The intentions of Louis Napoleon as regards Mexico are beginning to excite interest. Whatever they may be, there is one thing which it would be well for the French Emperor never to forget. He holds France simply as a pledge to the Revolution. So long as he remains true to the cause of liberty--and, despite names and circumstances, he has been truer to it than many suppose--he will remain in power. When he is false to it he will perish. It was through forgetting this that his uncle died at St. Helena--it was through forgetting this that Louis Philippe quitted Paris in a very citizenly but most un-kingly manner. The _bourgeoisie_ of France and the gossips of Paris may storm at the Federal Union, _épiciers_ may growl for our sugar, and operatives for cotton, but this class--on whom Louis Philippe made the mistake of solely relying, with a little help from the aristocracy--are not the men who guide the storms of revolution in France. The arch spirits of mischief are more secret, and of late years they have learned much. They are no longer so much inclined to Socialism, Père Cabét and 'national ateliérs,' still less to guillotines and noyades. But they are firm as ever, as jealous of despotism as ever, and, for an oppressor, as powerful as ever. And we believe that this class of men are firmly attached to the great cause of progressive freedom as represented by the Federal States and by the present Administration. Every day sees the truth spreading in France, and with its extension goes a deeply seated interest in the abolition of slavery. France--unlike England--feels shame at the idea of being chronicled in history as aiding oppression. The Frenchman is not so enormously conceited, so pitiably vain as to believe, like the Briton, that a crime is a virtue when for _his_ own peculiar interest. Vain as the French may be, they have not quite come to _that_. It must be admitted that the French are a shrewd nation. We were wont to think of old that there was more spite than intelligence in the epithet by which they characterized John Bull as 'perfidious.' They were right, for time has shown us that Venice, in the full bloom of her night-shade iniquity and poniard policy, was never falser at heart than this great, brawling, boasting, beef-eating England--this 'merry England' of paupers and prisons, where one man in every eight is buried at public expense--this Mother England, which starves away annually half a million of emigrants--this Honest Old England, which floods the world with pick-pockets, burglars, and correspondents for the _Times_. It was a trifling thing which brought on the French Revolution of 1848--the return of foreign refugees to Austria, and other significant indications of joining with the old powers in oppressing freedom. Let Louis Napoleon beware of an anti-American policy--for to every such policy there will be an opposition, with a spectre of the Revolution in the background. * * * * *