The Continental Monthly, Vol. 6, No 3, September 1864: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 6, No 3, September 1864: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
So long as the cotton and slaveholding interest could be held in check
and kept measurably subordinate to the supremacy of the Constitution,
there was hope that eventually the steadily-increasing forces of free
labor would overpower the gradually-decreasing forces of slave labor. It
was believed that by the silent action of natural laws freedom would, in
the long run, assert itself superior, and the ideal of our Government,
universal freedom, would thus at last become a reality and fact. Such,
we have been taught to believe, was the doctrine of the statesmanship of
1850. Such was the underlying argument of Webster's great 7th of March
speech--the enduring monument of his unselfish patriotism, seeking only
the good of his whole country. Such was his meaning when he declared
that the condition of the territories was fixed by an 'irrepealable
law,' needing no irritating legislation to assure their freedom.
Contrary to the hopes of our fathers, the slave system had prospered and
grown strong--chiefly because of the impetus given to it by the growth
of cotton, as was clearly shown by Webster in the speech just noted. We
suppose no candid reader of our history will deny this point. But the
system had no vital force within itself, and could not withstand those
laws of nature and free emigration to which we have adverted. It sought
protective legislation, and got it. Still, it was hampered by
limitations, notwithstanding it had present control of the cotton
growth. So the question of the slave trade was mooted. Thus it came to
pass that within half a century after it had expired by limitation of
the Constitution, that monstrous anomaly of the Christian era was sought
to be revived. And so corrupt had public sentiment become that the slave
trader captain of the yacht Wanderer could not be convicted by a jury of
his countrymen of violating the ordinance of the nation against this
traffic.[8] Will any one dare affirm that the tone of public feeling in
the South on this subject was not higher and purer in the time of
Jefferson than in the time of Buchanan? To what a depth of moral
degradation the nation might have sunk under the thus retrogressive
influences of ungodly Mammon, setting God and Christianity at total
defiance, may not easily be conjectured. But that law of action and
reaction which balances the powers of nature with such equal justice,
holds good also in the world of mind; and in the providence of God the
time of reaction came at last, and the temper of the nation reverted to
its pristine purity. That time came when defiant Mammon waxed so bold as
to threaten the nation's life. Under the protective statutes of
Congress, jealously watching over the local institutions of States,
slavery had grown to be a dominating power in the country; and, bound
by legislation and compromise, and the strict letter of the
Constitution, the people could only protest, and bide the inevitable
issue of such arrogant domination.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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