The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be MetStreight, Abel D.
History
The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
Streight, Abel D.
Secession; United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
Although the grounds for argument to show that this government was
established by the people collectively of the whole country, (and not by
the several States, as claimed by some,) and that it can only be
rightfully altered or abolished by a constitutional majority of the same
power that established it, would seem to have been entirely gone over,
nevertheless we propose to introduce the additional evidence of that
noble, honored statesman, and able constitutional expounder, Daniel
Webster.
On the 21st day of January, 1830, Mr. Hayne delivered in the Senate of the
United States a very able speech advocating the right of the various
States to nullify the laws of Congress in certain contingencies, or what
might be more properly called the South Carolina doctrine, embracing the
right to nullify the laws of Congress, or declare herself out of the Union
at pleasure. His speech was considered a complete succces by the
advocates of his sentiments, and was thought by them an unanswerable
vindication of those principles, and when Mr. Webster undertook the task
of replying to Mr. Hayne, he was met with jeers by the friends of
nullication; but as the volume of his reasoning began to unfold itself,
all eyes were attentively turned toward the speaker. After proceeding to
state the grounds upon which was founded the pretended right to nullify
the acts of Congress, Mr. Webster said:
"This leads us to inquire into the origin of this government and the
source of its power. Whose agent is it? Is it the creature of the
State legislatures, or the creature of the people? If the government
of the United States be the agent of the State governments, then they
may control it, provided they can agree in the manner of controlling
it; if it is the agent of the people, then the people alone can
control it, restrain it, modify or reform it. It is observable enough,
that the doctrine for which the honorable gentleman contends leads him
to the necessity of maintaining, not only that this general government
is the creature of the States, but that it is the creature of each of
the States severally; so that each may assert the power, for itself,
of determining whether it acts within the limits of its authority. It
is the servant of four and twenty masters, of different wills and
purposes; and yet bound to obey all. This absurdity (for it seems no
less) arises from a misconception as to the origin of this government,
and its true character. It is, sir, the people's constitution, the
people's government; made for the people; made by the people; and
answerable to the people. The people of the United States have
declared that this constitution shall be the supreme law. We must
either admit the proposition, or dispute their authority. The States
are unquestionably sovereign, so far as their sovereignty is not
affected by this supreme law. The State legislatures, as political
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