The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be MetStreight, Abel D.
History
The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
Streight, Abel D.
Secession; United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
It is a well known fact, that if the slave population should increase for
the next eighty years as fast as they have for the past eighty years, they
will amount to between forty and fifty millions of inhabitants. Now let
us imagine that number of slaves, with the natural increase of
intelligence, together with a corresponding decrease of the preponderance
of African blood in their veins, and it will not take a very strong
imaginative individual to perceive that the number of fugitives will
increase at a fearful rate, and to such an extent that it would impoverish
the whole nation to pay for them. By a careful examination of Mr.
Crittenden's amendment it will be perceived that it provides for
recovering the value of the slave, by the United States, of the county in
which said violence, INTIMIDATION, or rescue was committed.
Now let us suppose that this should become a part and parcel of the
Constitution of the United States, and some one or more of the States
should pass laws nullifying said provision, and at the same time demand a
revision of the Constitution in such a manner as to annul said clause, as
a condition that they would remain in the Union, will our Union-saving
friends be willing to meet the case by granting the demand, or will they
stand up for the enforcement of the laws and the preservation of the
Union? If so, then why not assist in enforcing the laws against South
Carolina or any other State that proposes to nullify the Constitution and
the laws made in pursuance thereof. Partisan prejudice cannot prevent any
person from seeing that if one portion of the people have the right to
make a demand for concessions, then any and all other portions are
entitled to the exercise of the same right, and where such demands have
been complied with in one case, there is no rule whereby they could justly
be denied in another. Is there not great danger that by granting the South
what they are now demanding, especially since the demand is accompanied
with threats of such a grave character, we will establish a precedence
that will sap the very principle upon which our government is based? In
all Democratic governments it is the duty of every individual to submit to
the laws duly enacted by a constitutional majority; and whenever one
portion of the people rebel against said laws they become not only
traitors to their country but to the very principles upon which self
government is founded. In view of this, it is clear to me that to make any
concession, under the existing menacing threats, would be to offer a
bounty to all future conspirutors against the government, and thus
endanger the peace of our country for all time to come. Such being the
case, why talk about compromises and concessions. Let us enforce obedience
to the present government before we talk of compromises. To treat with men
who bid defiance to the supreme law of the land, who are now engaged in
open and active treason against the government, would be humiliating to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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