The Cry for Justice: An Anthology of the Literature of Social Protest: The writings of philosophers, poets, novelists, social reformers, and others who have voiced the struggle against social injustice; selected from twenty-five languages; covering a period of five thousand years
General
The Cry for Justice: An Anthology of the Literature of Social Protest: The writings of philosophers, poets, novelists, social reformers, and others who have voiced the struggle against social injustice; selected from twenty-five languages; covering a period of five thousand years
Social justice; Social problems
I saw in those days of strife that of the two contending
parties, the stronger, the victorious one, was by far the
least sympathetic in its moral attitude and methods. The
strikers were pathetically stupid and ignorant about the
strength of their opponents and their own weakness. If they had
unexpectedly gained a complete victory they would have been
utterly unable to use it. If the political power had shifted
from the hands of the Government to those of the leading staff
of that general strike, the result would have been a terrible
confusion. There was no mind strong enough, no hand firm
enough among them to rule and reorganize that mass of workers,
unaccustomed to freedom, untrained to self-control, unable to
work without severe authority and discipline. Yet the feelings
and motives of that multitude were fair and just--they showed
a chivalry, a generosity, an idealism and an enthusiasm with
which the low methods of their powerful opponents contrasted
painfully.
Every striker had to fight his own fight at home. Every evening
he had to face the worn and anxious face of his wife, the sight
of his children in danger of starvation and misery. He had to
notice the hidden tears of the woman, or to answer her doubts
and reproaches, with a mind itself far from confident. He had
to fight in his own heart the egotistical inclination to save
himself and give up what he felt to be his best sentiment,
solidarity, the faith towards his comrades.
I believe no feeling man of the leisure class could have gone
through a week in those surroundings and taken part in a
struggle like this without acquiring a different conception of
the ethics of socialism and class war.
For on the other side there were the Government, the companies,
the defendants of existing order, powerful by their wealth,
by their routine, by their experience, and supported by the
servility of the great public and the army. They had not to
face any real danger (the strikers showed no inclination to
deeds of violence), and the arms they used were intimidation
and bribery. The only thing for them to do was to demoralize
the striker, to make him an egoist, a coward, a traitor to his
comrades. And this was done quietly and successfully.
Demoralizing the enemy may be the lawful object of every
war--the unavoidable evil to prevent a greater wrong; yet in
this case, where the method of corruption could be used only
on one side, it showed the ugly character of the conflict.
This was no fair battle with common moral rules of chivalry
and generosity; it was a pitiful and hopeless struggle between
a weak slave and a strong usurper, between an ill-treated,
revolting child and a brutal oppressor, who cared only for the
restoration of his authority, not for the morals of the child.
What Meaneth a Tyrant, and how he Useth his Power in a Kingdom
When he hath Obtained it
(_From "Las Siete Partidas"_)
BY ALFONSO THE WISE
(A Spanish king of great learning; 1226-1284)
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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