The Diary of a French Private: War-Imprisonment, 1914-1915Riou, Gaston
History
The Diary of a French Private: War-Imprisonment, 1914-1915
Riou, Gaston
National characteristics, German; World War, 1914-1918 -- Prisoners and prisons
Through studying them closely, and through talking with them, it seems to
me that I am beginning to understand this huge and mysterious Germany. I
knew something of the élite of the country, but was quite ignorant of the
common people, workmen, peasants, and lower middle class. But these are
the backbone of Germany.
How different is their world from ours! In France we read the paper; we
have political ideas; we influence the appointment of ministers; we take
sides passionately, for or against Pelletan, for or against Clemenceau,
for or against Poincaré; every one of our village orators has good advice
to give to our admirals, our generals, and our diplomats. How unlike
Germany! Nothing can equal the ignorance of these folk in public matters.
Think of a French agriculturist of the days of Louis XIV, hardworking and
kindly, engrossed in domestic cares, knowing that it is hard to gain a
livelihood and occupied in this pursuit by day and by night; accepting
princes, seigneurs, taxes, corvées, and wars as one accepts sunshine,
rain, hail, and frost, without venturing to pass any judgment upon them;
saying that these things have been, are, and will be, that he himself is
but a poor man, that every one has his own trade, that it is the king’s
to govern and his to provide a living for his family; there you have the
political essence of the German peasant and the German workman. Monarchy,
republic, foreign relations, double alliance or triple alliance—don’t
waste your time talking to him about these. Should you do so, he will
listen, he will express a civil assent, and will fall asleep over his
beer.
A Frenchman cannot understand how utterly indifferent are the common
people in Germany to political ideas and to questions of state. A
Frenchman, whether he knows it or not, and even if he believes himself to
be a monarchist, reasons like a leader. He speaks as if he were himself
a part of the king, and a considerable part. He eagerly discusses the
affairs of the country. Militarist or anti-militarist, he is patriotic to
the core—patriotic like the sovereign he is. Should the foreigner insult
France, he is personally insulted; this is his own business; the offence
is not offered to some distant prince; it touches himself, the individual
king; it makes his own skin tingle. This was obvious at the mobilization;
it remains obvious after a year of war. It is not simply a caste which
detests the Kaiser and his satellites and wishes to subdue them; these
feelings animate every Frenchman, be he minister or cobbler. For France,
one and indivisible, is truly _a free nation_, a collection of autonomous
individuals who have determined to live together, who know themselves to
have been entrusted with the most exalted of human missions, and each one
of whom makes the fulfilment of that mission a point of personal honour.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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