it the Continental army then, that is the instrument of their own servitude and that of their country? Every officer holds his commission at the pleasure of Congress. But his Lordship and his colleagues often represent the Continental army as so small and feeble, as to be unable to make head against the British troops, and it is true that they are constantly employed in that service, and it is true that they are nothing in comparison with the militia. What would become of them then, if the militia or any considerable number of them were to join the British troops? There has never been any part of the Continental army in more than three or four of the thirteen States at a time, watching the motions of the British army and confining them to the protection of their men-of-war. What has there been then in the remaining nine or ten States for an instrument of tyranny? This is too ridiculous to need many words. His Lordship concludes, with a distinction, if possible, less grounded than his assertions. He says, that Congress will never treat, but that the people and the Assemblies will. Where does his Lordship find the ground of his difference between the Congress and the Assemblies? Are not the members of Congress made of the same clay? Are they not themselves members of the Assemblies? Are they not the creatures of the Assemblies? Are they not annually created? Are they not dependent every moment upon the Assemblies for their existence? Have not the Assemblies a right to recall them when they please, and appoint others by law and the constitution? Have not the Assemblies a right to instruct them how to act? If they do not obey these instructions, cannot the Assemblies displace them and appoint others who will be more obedient? If the Assemblies desired a reconciliation with England, would not they appoint a Congress who desired it too? If the people desired it, could not they appoint Assemblies who would soon make a Congress suitable for their purpose? But I have been too long; his Lordship betrays such misinformation of facts, such an inattention to those obvious marks of the feelings of a people, as are infallible indications of their designs, and such a want of knowledge of the laws and constitution of the United States, as excite astonishment in an impartial examiner, and a real commiseration for the unhappy nation, who are devoted to destruction from his errors and delusions.[4] I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. [4] _Barriers between Great Britain and the United States of America to a Reconciliation, Alliance, or even Peace._ 1. The malice, revenge, pride, obstinacy, and absurdity of the King and royal family. 2. The guilt and danger of the Ministry, danger to their lives and present safety, as well as of ruin to their fortunes, characters, and reputations.