The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 05
History
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 05
United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources
III. It is to be observed, that the English Ministry would consider
that communication as ridiculous; so that it is deceiving one's self
to suppose, that it will engage them to enter into any conference, or
so say anything more than what is contained in the resolutions of
Parliament, namely, that they will listen to the Americans and receive
them into favor, when they return to their former allegiance. It can
answer no good purpose to draw from them such an answer, nor can the
United States want such an answer, to inform them of the present
sentiments of the Court of London, and much less to prepare with
councils and arms to resist them. It is astonishing to talk of
preparations of councils and arms, when the war is raging in all its
fury, when it has now lasted six years, and England has not yet made
one overture to the Americans, that can authorise them to believe that
she would agree to their independence.
IV. The English Ministry would either return no answer, or if they did
it would be an insolent one. In case of the latter, why should a man
needlessly expose himself to insult, and thereby make himself the
laughing-stock of all the nations who have not yet acknowledged the
independence of the United States? But there is reason to believe that
Mr Adams would receive no answer, because the British Ministry would
not think themselves bound to return one to a man who assumes a
character, which the Court of London must consider as an insult. It
should not be forgotten, that that Court always considers the
Americans as rebellious subjects. With such an opinion, how could Lord
Germain receive a letter from Mr Adams, taking upon himself the
character of Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of North
America? How could that Minister bear the mention of a treaty of
commerce, which can only take place between independent nations? These
observations will convince Mr Adams, that France has no occasion for
the expedient which he proposes, to discover the sentiments and
dispositions of the Court of London, and that we are already perfectly
acquainted with what we ought and may expect from it, in the present
situation of affairs.
V. The silence, or the answer of the English Ministry, let which will
happen, will neither alarm nor arouse the people of England. That
people, without doubt, desire peace and an accommodation with America.
But we find that only some individuals talk of independence, and
these, more from a spirit of opposition than from conviction. There
never has been a single motion made in Parliament tending to grant
that independence. Yet the people have friends and protectors in
Parliament. From this, Mr Adams may judge into what embarrassment the
announcing his powers would throw the Ministry.
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