The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 11
History
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 11
United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources
The Court of London will elude as much and as long as she possibly
can, the direct or indirect acknowledgement of the independence of the
United States, and will avail herself of the terms, that are used in
speaking of them, to maintain, that she is not obliged to treat with
her ancient Colonies as with a free and independent nation. That she
is consequently not reduced to admit a Plenipotentiary on their part,
and that she is at liberty to view the American representative as a
deputy from a part of her subjects who demand a favor. From whence it
will follow, that when the mediation is in force, and they shall be
about to enter upon the negotiation, that they will dispute the
character, in which the American Plenipotentiary shall be received.
The King of England will consider him as his subject, while Congress
will demand, that he shall be received as the representative of a free
people, by means whereof the mediation will be stopped at the first
outset.
To prevent this inconvenience it should seem, that previous to any
other measure, the _character of the American agent_ ought to be
determined in the most precise and positive manner, and Congress
should be invited to confide its interests to the mediation. This
invitation is so much the more interesting, as the negotiation
relative to America should go hand in hand with that of the Courts of
Madrid and Versailles, and by consequence, the negotiations although
separate should commence at the same time.
But who will invite the Congress to treat with England? The King
cannot, since the First Article excludes him from the negotiation.
This task then can only be executed by the mediators themselves; all
that the King can do, and that he will do with zeal and fidelity, is
to invite the Americans to the peace, and to facilitate it by every
means that they believe compatible with their essential interests. But
that the King may take this step with safety, and the hopes of
success, and with the certainty of not rendering himself suspected by
the Americans, it is necessary that he should first know the
determination of the mediators upon the observations now made to them,
and that this determination should be such as to secure to the
American States their political existence.
The two high mediators and their Ministers are too enlightened not to
perceive, that without this preliminary measure the Congress will send
no person to Vienna, and that the King can make no attempts to engage
them thereto, without incurring the danger of involving himself, by
means whereof, and for the reasons already urged, the mediation will
be stopped at its first outset. These reflections appear to merit the
most serious attention of the two mediating Courts.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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