This language may appear extraordinary, but at a future day, when my transactions shall be laid bare to public view, it will be justified. This language may not consist with the ideas of dignity, which some men entertain. But, Sir, dignity is in duty, and in virtue, not in the sound of swelling expressions Congress may dismiss their servants, and the States may dismiss their Congress, but it is by rectitude alone, that man can be respectable. I have early declared our situation, as far as prudence would permit, and I am now compelled to transgress the bounds of prudence, by being forced to declare, that unless vigorous exertions are made to put money into the treasury, we must be ruined. I have borne with delays and disappointments as long as I could, and nothing but hard necessity would have wrung from me the sentiments, which I have now expressed. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Finance, May 17th, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency the copy of a circular letter, which I have written to the several States. The situation which I find myself is extremely delicate. The habitual inattention of the States has reduced us to the brink of ruin, and I cannot see a probability of relief from any of them. I rather perceive a disposition to take money from the public treasury, than to place any in it. A variety of causes, which Congress are, I presume acquainted with, prevents the collection of taxes, and delays the payment of them, even after they are collected. In many States they are not laid. I must not conceal from Congress my apprehensions, that the idle hopes entertained from the changes of administration in Britain will increase that negligence, which is but too prevalent throughout the United States. I might add many reasons, why a call should be made in the present critical moment, and it is evident, that such a call should be couched in terms so pressing, as to stimulate if possible their sluggishness into exertion. But on the other hand, it is evident that if a faithful representation of our distressed circumstances should fall into improper hands, it would be productive of the most dangerous consequences. And when the number of our internal enemies, and the designs of our external ones are considered, there can be little doubt, that such a letter would be handed about soon after its arrival for the illicit purposes of both. At the same time, however, it must be considered, that if any fatal consequences should ensue from the continued negligence of the States, attempts will be made to justify it on the principle, that they were not seasonably apprized of their danger.