The well-established distinction between the administration and the political system is particularly owing to the exertions of Hardenberg. The administration is careful, economical, and often dishonest; the political branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the developement of liberty within the most exact limits. After the termination of the great transactions of 1816, Hardenberg occupied himself only in applying his system of repression to the press, to the convocation and to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs, and all the measures against the schools were taken in concert with Austria. The system of the German universities embraced two main points,--studious and intellectual ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a highly educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz, and Kotzebue, and himself distinguished for his literary tastes, was willing to leave to philosophy the vast domain where intellect displays, and often loses itself; therefore the studies were not restricted in their developement, the universities were still left mistress of their doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious influence on secret societies, and they no longer formed acting and deliberating corps. Science, thought, and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble trinity in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity of the middle ages. Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring the administration to perfection. The system of Prussian presidencies was only a collection of vast prefectures or local administrations, and every thing was regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are collected with a third less expense than in France. In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of Prince Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle and Troppau it was evident that his strength was beginning to give way. Old age had come upon him, and one is astonished a war with parties should have been carried on so vigorously by a man who had reached the advanced age of threescore and ten. One can imagine the peaceful government of an aged man over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's life had been the most laborious, because he not only had to contend with external powers, but with his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years old. He had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had changed, but the necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance had passed into repression.