The discovery and decipherment of the trilingual cuneiform inscriptionsBooth, Arthur John
History
The discovery and decipherment of the trilingual cuneiform inscriptions
Booth, Arthur John
Achaemenian inscriptions; Cuneiform inscriptions
a word ideographically instead of phonetically, just as frequently as
to mistake ideograms for phonetics. Compound ideograms were also not
infrequent, where two or more were used to express an idea, but without
reference to the sound. For example, the word for ‘palace’ is composed
of two ideograms, _bit_ and _rab_, meaning respectively ‘house’ and
‘great’; but Hincks warned the reader that he might fall into a serious
error if he were to suppose that they are employed in conjunction
phonetically, and that ‘bitrab’ is the pronunciation of the Assyrian word
for ‘palace.’[811] He shows that several ideographs may be used as simple
determinative suffixes to words which are phonetically complete without
them. The determinatives probably all originally represented words, and
many of them preserved their phonetic values.[812]
This inquiry into the nature and use of ideograms was the first that
had been made, and it formed an important contribution to the knowledge
of the language. His attempted transliterations are not of equal value.
He rejected the reading of ‘Sargon’ given by Löwenstern, and he does
not seem to have heard of the solution of the difficulty proposed the
year before by Longpérier.[813] He recognised indeed that the sign for
‘king’ with which the word begins forms an integral portion of the name,
but he did not perceive, like Longpérier, that its counterpart is the
Hebrew ‘sar’; and he was led by other comparisons to assign the value
of ‘kin-nil’ to the ideogram. He knew also that the sign Löwenstern
had broken up into two and thought signified _r_, _s_ formed in fact a
single sign, which he pronounced _ri_ or _li_. These efforts resulted in
‘kin-nil-li-n’a,’ which might seem even less manageable than the _r_,
_s_, _k_ of Löwenstern. But Hincks was quite equal to the occasion, and,
with the customary imaginative faculty of the philologist, he found no
difficulty in connecting this person with the Chinzirus of Ptolemy,
who, it appears, was a contemporary of Porus. He had already detected
that the names of the son and grandson of this prince were Sennacherib
and Esarhaddon, the builders of Kouyunjik and the South-West Palace of
Nimrud. The first we find he transliterated ‘Sanki’ or ‘Sankin,’ with the
possible addition of ‘rav’ or ‘ram’—‘Sankin-rav’: the other came out as
‘Adar-ka-dan.’ He also explains how he arrived at ‘Nabiccudurrayuchur’
for Nebuchadnezzar, and how he fancied he had found ‘Jerusalem’; but
these instances only serve to illustrate the great obstacles that had
still to be overcome. We have already mentioned the suggestions that
were made first by Longpérier and afterwards by Botta with the view of
reducing the number of homophones. Hincks confesses he had not seen the
essay of the former, and we have not observed that he has acknowledged
his obligations to Botta, though he was evidently acquainted with his
work, as we see from an unpleasant reference to ‘a mechanical comparison
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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