Another phenomenon had started up carrying a Conservative colour.
Puseyism had appeared at Oxford, and was rapidly spreading. The Church
of England, long paralysed by Erastianism and worldliness, was awaking
out of its sleep, and claiming to speak again as the Divinely-appointed
ruler of English souls. Political economy had undertaken to manage
things on the hypothesis that men had no souls, or that their souls, if
they possessed such entities, had nothing to do with their commercial
relations to one another. The Church of England, as long as it remained
silent or sleeping, had seemed to acquiesce in the new revelation, but
it was beginning to claim a voice again in the practical affairs of the
world, and the response, loud and strong, indicated that there still
remained among us a power of latent conviction which might revive the
force of noble and disinterested motive. A Church of England renovated
and alive again might, some thought, become an influence of incalculable
consequence. Carlyle's keen, clear eyes refused to be deceived.
'Galvanic Puseyism,' he called it, and 'dancings of the sheeted dead.' A
politician like Disraeli looking out into the phenomena in which he was
to play his part, and thinking more of what was going on among the
people than of the immediate condition of Parliamentary parties,
conceived that he saw in the new movement, not only an effort of
Conservative energy, but an indication of a genuine recoil from moral
and spiritual anarchy towards the Hebrew principle in which he really
believed. Two forces he saw still surviving in England which had been
overlooked, or supposed to be dead--respect for the Church, and the
voluntary loyalty (which, though waning, might equally be recovered) of
the people towards the aristocracy. Perhaps he overrated both because he
had been himself born and bred outside their influence, and thus looked
at them without the insight which he gained afterwards on more intimate
acquaintance. To some extent, however, they were realities, and were
legitimate subjects of calculation. Extracts from his writings will show
how his mind was working. He had been studying the action of the Reform
Bill of 1832. No one pretended, he said, that it had improved the
character of Parliament itself.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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