But the difficulty of his position lay in his having been brought into
power as a Protectionist. The constituencies had given him his majority
in reply to his own Protectionist declarations. If Free Trade was to be
made the law of the land was Peel to repeat the part which he had played
in Catholic emancipation? All reasonable Conservatives knew that the
corn laws must be modified; but the change, if inevitable, need not be
precipitate. Peel's great defect, Disraeli said in his 'Life of Lord
George Bentinck,' was that he wanted imagination, and in wanting that he
wanted prescience. No one was more sagacious when dealing with the
circumstances before him. His judgment was faultless, provided that he
had not to deal with the future. But insight into consequences is the
test of a true statesman, and because Peel had it not Catholic
emancipation, Parliamentary Reform, and the abrogation of the commercial
system were carried in haste or in passion, and without conditions or
mitigatory arrangements. On Canning's death the Tories might have had
the game in their hands. A moderate reconstruction of the House of
Commons, the transfer of the franchises of a few corrupt boroughs to the
great manufacturing towns, would have satisfied the country. Peel let
the moment pass, and the Birmingham Union and the Manchester Economic
School naturally followed. His policy was to resist till resistance was
ineffectual, and then to grant wholesale concessions as a premium to
political agitation. The same scene was being enacted over again. Sir
Robert had rejected Lord John Russell's eight-shilling duty. It appeared
now, from the course in which he was drifting, that the duty would be
swept away altogether.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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