The economic position of womenAcademy of Political Science in the City of New York
History
The economic position of women
Academy of Political Science in the City of New York
Women -- Employment -- United States; Women -- United States -- Economic conditions
stood, so far as statutes are concerned, upon an absolutely equal
plane with him, it would still be true that she is so constituted that
she will rest upon and look to him for protection; that her physical
structure and a proper discharge of her maternal functions--having
in view not merely her own health, but the well-being of the
race--justify legislation to protect her from the greed as well as
the passion of man. The limitations which this statute places upon
her contractual powers, upon her right to agree with her employer as
to the time she shall labor, are not imposed solely for her benefit,
but also largely for the benefit of all. Many words cannot make this
plainer. The two sexes differ in structure of body, in the functions
to be performed by each, in the amount of physical strength, in the
capacity for long-continued labor, particularly when done standing,
the influence of vigorous health upon the future well-being of the
race, the self-reliance which enables one to assert full rights,
and in the capacity to maintain the struggle for subsistence. This
difference justifies a difference in legislation and upholds that
which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens which rest
upon her.
We have not referred in this discussion to the denial of the elective
franchise in the state of Oregon, for while it may disclose a lack
of political equality in all things with her brother, that is not of
itself decisive. The reason runs deeper, and rests in the inherent
difference between the two sexes, and in the different functions in
life which they perform.[62]
It is to be noted that the Supreme Court refuses to regard the
non-possession of active political rights as a controlling element.
Under a system which sets constitutional limitations against the
popular will as expressed through the ordinary elective franchise,
the treatment of the latter as relatively indifferent has a certain
plausibility which would be much more doubtful in England or Germany.
If the vote cannot secure shorter hours, it may be argued that the
absence of the vote cannot be a valid reason for allowing the exercise
of the power. If, on the other hand, shorter hours are demanded in
the interest of the public, the bestowal of the franchise should not
forfeit the benefit of the measure.
From a practical point of view, however, political power is an
important, if not in the long run decisive, factor in the economic
struggle, and as long as it is withheld from women they have a claim
to special protection from the state, which they may put forward as
a requirement of justice, without conceding that their status is
naturally one of dependence and inferiority.
There is another argument in favor of a larger state interference with
the freedom of contract in the case of women than in that of men, which
has received little attention, but seems to deserve consideration.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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