number of competing countries like measures of protection prevail, so
that no one of the countries enjoys in this respect any commercial
advantage over the others. It is an actual fact that in very recent
years the international regulation of women’s labour and child-labour
on uniform lines has made enormous advances. The very fact that
the protection of women’s labour and child-labour tends to lead
ultimately to the adoption of a uniform international code, is an
extremely favourable phenomenon, in harmony with the general tendency
of evolution. (_g_) The argument from the side of the advocates for
the emancipation of women is fundamentally false. It does not tend
towards women’s emancipation to leave women free to seek their own
destruction. If the protection of women’s labour leads to injurious
results, the only conclusion we can properly draw from this fact is
that our regulation must be effected in some other manner, so that
these injurious results may no longer occur. (_h_) The argument about
the inferior races is a very dangerous one. The rights of women and
children are identical, to whatever nationality they may happen to
belong. We might just as well maintain that the exploitation of the
labour power of the proletariat is quite justifiable on the ground
that the proletariat is of inferior quality to the other classes of
society. And if we are told that women and children are better off
in the factories and workshops than they are in their own homes,
the obvious answer to this is that, in that case, it is absolutely
essential that the conditions of their domestic life should be
improved.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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