The Eve of the Revolution; A Chronicle of the Breach with EnglandBecker, Carl L. (Carl Lotus)
History
The Eve of the Revolution; A Chronicle of the Breach with England
Becker, Carl L. (Carl Lotus)
United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783
The majority of those who refused to accept it--and the number was
large--retired, with saddened hearts for the most part, into the ranks
of the British Loyalists; only a few, with John Dickinson at their head,
could still visualize the vanishing image of reconciliation. Whether the
Prohibitory Act made reconciliation impossible or not, one thing at all
events it made clear: if Britain was bent on forcing the colonies to
submit by ruining their trade, it could scarcely be good policy for the
colonies to help her do it; of which the reasonable conclusion seemed
to be that, since the Parliament wished to close the ports of America to
the world, Congress would do well to open them to the world. On February
16, 1776, Congress accordingly took into "consideration the propriety of
opening the ports." To declare the ports open to the world was no doubt
easily done; but the main thing after all was to carry on trade with the
world; and this was not so easy since British naval vessels were there
to prevent it. "We can't carry on a beneficial trade, as our enemies
will take our ships"; so Mr. Sherman said, and of this he thought the
obvious inference was that "a treaty with a foreign power is necessary,
before we open our trade, to protect it."
"A treaty with a foreign power"--Mr. Wythe also mentioned this as a
possible way of reviving the trade of the colonies; but a treaty with a
foreign power was easier conceived of than made, and Mr. Wythe thought
"other things are to be considered before we adopt such a measure."
In considering these "other things," Mr. Wythe asked and answered the
fundamental question: "In what character shall we treat?--as subjects of
Great Britain--as rebels? ... If we should offer our trade to the court
of France, would they take notice of it any more than if Bristol or
Liverpool should offer theirs, while we profess to be subjects? No.
We must declare ourselves a free people." Thus it appeared that the
character of British subjects, no less than the Association, was a
stumbling-block in the way of obtaining "the means of carrying on the
war." The sword, as an instrument for maintaining rights, could after
all not be effectively wielded by America so long as her hand was
shackled by even the half-broken ties of a professed allegiance to
Britain. Therefore, when the Congress, on the 6th of April, opened the
ports of the colonies to the world, the Declaration of Independence was
a foregone conclusion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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