The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, RussiaBeck, James M. (James Montgomery)
Philosophy
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia
Beck, James M. (James Montgomery)
World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
As Herr von Jagow did not answer me clearly, I asked him if
Germany wanted war. He protested energetically, saying that
he knew that that was my idea but that it was completely
incorrect. "You must then," I replied, "act in consequence.
_When you read the Servian reply, weigh the terms with your
conscience, I beg you in the name of humanity, and do not
personally assume a portion of the responsibility for the
catastrophe, whose preparation you are allowing._" Herr von
Jagow protested again, adding that he was ready to join
England and France in any common effort, but that some form
must be found for this intervention which he could accept
and that the Cabinets should agree among themselves upon the
matter. "Moreover," he added, "direct conversations between
Vienna and St. Petersburg are begun and are proceeding. I
expect much good of them, and I have hope."[57]
[Footnote 57: French _Yellow Book_, No. 74.]
In his solemn injunction to von Jagow "_in the name of humanity_" _to
weigh the terms in his conscience_, Cambon struck a loftier note than
any of the diplomatic disputants. Macaulay has said that the "French
mind has always been the interpreter between national ideas and those
of universal mankind," and at least since the French Revolution the
tribute has been deserved.
He, who carefully and dispassionately reads the diplomatic
correspondence which preceded the war, must be impressed with the
different point of view of the two groups of disputants. Both the
written and oral communications of the German and Austrian
representatives failed to suggest at any time a note other than
one of selfish nationalism. We search in vain for the most distant
recognition of the fact that the world at large had any legitimate
interest in the controversy. The insistent note, which Austria
sounded, was that its interests required its punitive action against
Servia, even though the peace of the world were thereby sacrificed,
and that of Germany repeated with equal insistence that its "closest
interests" summoned it to the side of Austria.
In marked contrast to this spirit of national selfishness is the
repeated admonition of Sir Edward Grey that the whole question should
be considered in its "larger aspects," thereby meaning the peace and
welfare of Europe; while the Czar, with evident sincerity, suggested
to the Kaiser that "with the aid of God it must be possible to our
long tried friendship to prevent the shedding of blood," and proposed
a reference of the question to the Hague. Similarly the appeal of
Jules Cambon to von Jagow, "in the name of humanity" was more than the
ordinary exchange of diplomatic views. Von Jagow's conception of his
duty is shown by the fact that he had taken a position involving
"incalculable consequences" without even reading the Servian reply.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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