Ireland -- Politics and government; Political parties -- Ireland -- History; Sinn Fein
The offer of partition likewise was promptly rejected by Ulster: like the
Irish Citizen Army they "meant business." They meant to smash Home Rule
for good and all, for the South as well as for the North of Ireland, and
in conjunction with the English Tories they felt strong enough to do it.
They began openly to tamper with the allegiance of the army. Nor were
their efforts without success. Not only did large numbers of ex-officers
offer their services to the Ulster Volunteers, but many officers upon the
active list announced their intention of refusing to obey orders if
despatched to preserve order in Ulster and forestall the intention,
broadly hinted, of some of the Ulstermen to seize military depots in the
province. It was an open boast in Belfast that the ship conveying the arms
from Hamburg to Ulster had been sighted, but allowed to pass unchallenged
by officers of the Royal Navy on the ships detailed to intercept it. They
seemed deliberately to have adopted the policy of Catiline, _ruina
exstinguere incendium_, "to put out the fire by pulling down the house."
If the Protestant interest were to go down in Ireland, then should the
British Constitution which had fostered it go down with it.
All this was, of course, matter for unfeigned delight to all the
"advanced" people both in Ireland and outside of it. If officers were to
have the option of obeying orders or not at their will why should a like
latitude be denied the common soldier? If officers refused to act against
Ulster why should a private be required to fire upon strikers? Thanks were
publicly returned by _Irish Freedom_ to "the gallant British officers who
have helped their beloved Empire on to the brink above the precipice." But
so far as England was concerned, the crisis was tided over by the usual
method of compromise. There had been a "misunderstanding" for which both
sides were more or less responsible. There had been no actual intention of
employing force in a political dispute and therefore the question in
debate did not arise. The Minister of War was dismissed on a side issue,
the Premier assumed his responsibilities and everybody was more or less
satisfied, except the Irish.
Whatever were the rights or wrongs of the dispute between the Army and the
Government, it was plain that the dispute had been composed at the expense
of Home Rule. Partition in some form or other was now certain to accompany
Home Rule, if Home Rule were not actually shelved. The Irish Party were
solemnly warned by the advanced Nationalist papers. "Mr. Redmond has had
his chance," wrote one of these. "When partition is again mentioned, let
him stand aside even at the cost of the 'Home Rule' Bill. There is a force
and a spirit growing in Ireland which in the wrangle of British politics
he but vaguely realizes."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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