The Evolution of StatesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
History
The Evolution of States
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Europe -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Politics and government; Political science -- History
[See Finlay, _History of Greece_, as cited, i, 284-85, as to the
veto on discussion by Theodosius. In the next century Justinian
suppressed the philosophic schools at Athens. Finlay, in one
passage (i, 221), speaks of them as nearly extinct before
suppression; but elsewhere (pp. 277-81) he gives an entirely
contrary account. There are too many such contradictions in his
pages. Cp. Hertzberg, _Geschichte Griechenlands seit dem Absterben
des antiken Lebens_, 1876, i, 78-84.]
By the time of Constantine, even the coinage had come to look like that
of a semi-barbarian State; and thought, of course, had already stagnated
when Christianity conquered the "educated" classes. But these classes
themselves were speedily narrowed nearly to those of the priests and the
bureaucracy, save in so far as commerce maintained some semi-leisure.
Barbarian invasion and imperial taxation combined in many districts to
exterminate the former leisured and property-owning class. It is indeed
an exaggeration to say that "the labourer and the artisan alone could
find bread ... and, with the extinction of the wealthy and educated
classes, the local prejudices of the lower orders became the law of
society."[363] But the last clause is broadly true. In this society the
priest, with his purely pietistic tastes and knowledge, became the type
and source of culture.
A cultured modern Greek apologist of the Byzantine Empire[364] has
anxiously sought to combine with the thesis that Christianity is a
civilising force, the unavoidable admission that Byzantine civilisation
was intellectually stationary for a thousand years. It is right that
every possible plea for that ill-famed civilisation should be carefully
attended to, even when it takes the form of reminding us[365] that after
all the sixth century produced Procopius and Agathias; the seventh,
George of Pisidia; the eighth, John of Damascus; the ninth, Photius; and
so on--one man or two per century who contrived to be remembered without
being annalised as emperor. Of rather more importance is the item that
Christian Constantinople at one point, following Egyptian and Roman
precedent, improved on the practice of heathen Athens, in that the women
of the imperial court and of the upper classes seem to have received a
fair share of what culture there was.[366] It is further a matter of
bare justice to note that Byzantium had all along to maintain itself
against the assaults of Persia, of Islam, of barbarism, heathen and
Christian, and of Latin Christendom. But there must all the same be made
the grieving admission that "We certainly do not find in the Byzantine
authors the same depth and originality which mark the ancient writers
whom they copied";[367] and that this imitation "was unhappily the
essential weakness of Byzantine literature." That is to say, the
intelligence of the Christian Empire, like that of the Greece of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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