The Evolution of StatesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
History
The Evolution of States
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Europe -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Politics and government; Political science -- History
strove to avoid war and to establish peace."[461]
It needed only command of the machinery of systematic government--if
indeed the same qualities had not been in full play long before--to
develop in the Teutons every species of evil that could be charged
against the Southerns. The fallacy of attributing the crimes of
Byzantium to the physiological degeneration of an "old" race is exposed
the moment we compare the record with the history of the Franks, as told
by Gregory of Tours. Christian writers continue to hold up Nero as a
typical product of decadent paganism, saying nothing of the Christian
Chilperic, "the Nero of France," or of his father, less ill-famed,
Clothaire, the slayer of children, the polygamist, the strictly orthodox
Churchman, "certain that Jesus Christ will remunerate us for all the
good we do" to his priests.[462] Odious women were as powerful in
Frankish courts as in Byzantine; and the tale of the end of Brunehild is
not to be matched in pagan annals. Savage treachery, perjury, parricide,
fratricide, filicide, assassination, massacre, debauchery, are if
possible more constant notes in the tale of the young barbarism, as told
by the admiring saint, than in that of the long-descended civilisation
of Constantinople; and the rank and file seem to have been worthy of the
heads.
One note of Gibbon's, on "barbaric virtue," _àpropos_ of the
character of Totila, has given one of his editors (Bohn ed. iv,
505) the opportunity to assert that the "natural superiority" of
the invaders was manifest wherever they came in contact with their
civilised antagonists. As if Aurelian and Belisarius were not the
moral equals of Totila. Yet in a previous note (ch. 38, ed. cited,
iv, 181) on the Frankish history of Gregory of Tours, Gibbon had
truly remarked that "it would not be easy, within the same
historical space, to find more vice and less virtue." On that head
Sismondi declares (_Histoire des Français_, ed. 1821, i, 403-4;
_Fall of the Roman Empire_, i, 263) that "there was not a
Merovingian king that was not a father before the age of fifteen
and decrepit at thirty." Dunham (_History of the Germanic Empire_,
1834, i, 10) improves on this to the extent of asserting that
"those abominable princes generally--such were their premature
vices--died of old age before thirty." It is a fair surmise that,
Clovis being a barbarian of great executive genius (cp. Guizot,
_Essais sur l'histoire de France_, p. 43), his stock was specially
liable to degeneration through indulgence. But Motley, whose
Teutophile and Celtophobe declamation at times reaches nearly the
lowest depth touched by his school, will have it (_Rise of the
Dutch Republic_, ed. 1863, p. 12) that later "the Carlovingian
_race_ had been exhausted by _producing a race_ of heroes." Any
formula avails to support the dogma that "the German was loyal as
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