Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; Constitutional law -- United States
difficulty arises from the nature of the thing, and that the extent of
the country will not permit us to form a government in which such ample
powers can safely be reposed, it would prove that we ought to contract
our views, and resort to the expedient of separate confederacies, which
will move within more practicable spheres. For the absurdity must
continually stare us in the face of confiding to a government the
direction of the most essential national interests, without daring to
trust it to the authorities which are indispensible to their proper and
efficient management. Let us not attempt to reconcile contradictions,
but firmly embrace a rational alternative.
I trust, however, that the impracticability of one general system
cannot be shown. I am greatly mistaken, if any thing of weight has yet
been advanced of this tendency; and I flatter myself, that the
observations which have been made in the course of these papers have
served to place the reverse of that position in as clear a light as any
matter still in the womb of time and experience can be susceptible of.
This, at all events, must be evident, that the very difficulty itself,
drawn from the extent of the country, is the strongest argument in
favor of an energetic government; for any other can certainly never
preserve the Union of so large an empire. If we embrace the tenets of
those who oppose the adoption of the proposed Constitution, as the
standard of our political creed, we cannot fail to verify the gloomy
doctrines which predict the impracticability of a national system
pervading entire limits of the present Confederacy.
PUBLIUS.
THE FEDERALIST.
No. XXIV.
The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
For the Independent Journal.
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
To the powers proposed to be conferred upon the federal government, in
respect to the creation and direction of the national forces, I have
met with but one specific objection, which, if I understand it right,
is this, that proper provision has not been made against the existence
of standing armies in time of peace; an objection which, I shall now
endeavor to show, rests on weak and unsubstantial foundations.
It has indeed been brought forward in the most vague and general form,
supported only by bold assertions, without the appearance of argument;
without even the sanction of theoretical opinions; in contradiction to
the practice of other free nations, and to the general sense of
America, as expressed in most of the existing constitutions. The
proprietory of this remark will appear, the moment it is recollected
that the objection under consideration turns upon a supposed necessity
of restraining the LEGISLATIVE authority of the nation, in the article
of military establishments; a principle unheard of, except in one or
two of our State constitutions, and rejected in all the rest.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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