Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; Constitutional law -- United States
Whilst the objection itself is levelled against a pretended oligarchy,
the principle of it strikes at the very root of republican government.
The aim of every political constitution is, or ought to be, first to
obtain for rulers men who possess most wisdom to discern, and most
virtue to pursue, the common good of the society; and in the next
place, to take the most effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous
whilst they continue to hold their public trust. The elective mode of
obtaining rulers is the characteristic policy of republican government.
The means relied on in this form of government for preventing their
degeneracy are numerous and various. The most effectual one, is such a
limitation of the term of appointments as will maintain a proper
responsibility to the people. Let me now ask what circumstance there is
in the constitution of the House of Representatives that violates the
principles of republican government, or favors the elevation of the few
on the ruins of the many? Let me ask whether every circumstance is not,
on the contrary, strictly conformable to these principles, and
scrupulously impartial to the rights and pretensions of every class and
description of citizens? Who are to be the electors of the federal
representatives? Not the rich, more than the poor; not the learned,
more than the ignorant; not the haughty heirs of distinguished names,
more than the humble sons of obscurity and unpropitious fortune. The
electors are to be the great body of the people of the United States.
They are to be the same who exercise the right in every State of
electing the corresponding branch of the legislature of the State. Who
are to be the objects of popular choice? Every citizen whose merit may
recommend him to the esteem and confidence of his country. No
qualification of wealth, of birth, of religious faith, or of civil
profession is permitted to fetter the judgement or disappoint the
inclination of the people. If we consider the situation of the men on
whom the free suffrages of their fellow-citizens may confer the
representative trust, we shall find it involving every security which
can be devised or desired for their fidelity to their constituents. In
the first place, as they will have been distinguished by the preference
of their fellow-citizens, we are to presume that in general they will
be somewhat distinguished also by those qualities which entitle them to
it, and which promise a sincere and scrupulous regard to the nature of
their engagements. In the second place, they will enter into the public
service under circumstances which cannot fail to produce a temporary
affection at least to their constituents. There is in every breast a
sensibility to marks of honor, of favor, of esteem, and of confidence,
which, apart from all considerations of interest, is some pledge for
grateful and benevolent returns.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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