The Fight for the Republic in ChinaPutnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
History
The Fight for the Republic in China
Putnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
China -- History -- Republic, 1912-1949; China -- Politics and government
If the reader keeps these great facts carefully in mind a new light will
dawn on him and the urgency of the Chinese question will be disclosed.
The Japanese Demands of 1915, instead of being fantastic and
far-fetched, as many have supposed, are shown to be very intelligently
drawn-up, the entire Treaty position in China having been most
exhaustively studied, and every loophole into the vast region left
untouched by the ex-territorialized Powers marked down for invasion. For
Western nations, in spite of exorbitant demands at certain periods in
Chinese history, having mainly limited themselves to acquiring coastal
and communication privileges, which were desired more for genuine
purposes of trade than for encompassing the destruction of Chinese
autonomy, are to-day in a disadvantageous position which the Japanese
have shown they thoroughly understand by not only tightening their hold
on Manchuria and Shantung, but by going straight to the root of the
matter and declaring on every possible occasion that they alone are
responsible for the peace and safety of the Far East--and this in spite
of the fact that their plan of 1915 was exposed and partially
frustrated. But the chief force behind the Japanese Foreign Office, it
should be noted, is militarist; and it is a point of honour for the
Military Party to return to the charge in China again and again until
there is definite success or definite failure.
Now in view of the facts which have been so voluminously set forth in
preceding chapters, it is imperative for men to realize that the
struggle in the Far East is like the Balkan Question a thing rooted in
geography and peoples, and cannot be brushed aside or settled by
compromises. The whole future of Chinese civilization is intimately
bound up with the questions involved, and the problem instead of
becoming easier to handle must become essentially more difficult from
day to day. Japan's real objective being the termination of the implied
trusteeship which Europe and America still exercise in the Far East, the
course of the European war must intimately effect the ultimate outcome.
If that end is satisfactory for democracies, China may reasonably claim
to share in the resulting benefits; if on the other hand the Liberal
Powers do not win an overwhelming victory which shall secure the
sanctity of Treaties for all time, it will go hard for China. Outwardly,
the immediate goal which Japan seeks to attain is merely to become the
accredited spokesman of Eastern Asia, the official representative; and,
using this attorneyship as a cloak for the advancement of objects which
other Powers would pursue on different principles, so impregnably to
entrench herself where she has no business to be that no one will dare
to attempt to turn her out. For this reason we see revived in Manchuria
on a modified scale the Eighteenth Century device, once so essential a
feature of Dutch policy in the struggle against Louis XIV, namely the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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